My dear only surviving son,

| went to Maunt Vernan August 7, 1971, 10
of my heart your kecpers murdered
i

Brave wat sunposcd 10 be behin your g
Brandmother’s. But 1 couldn 1

mowed geass. The story of our pag,
for 3 headstone—end two extra

diather's s
t. There was no marker. Just
Iscnt the keeper a blank check
5—-blood in my eyell

=<3

Amerikan
Justice

For their frecdom 1o prey on the world's people . . .
whatever the cost in blood.

Dear Greg,

In order for capitalism to continue 1o rule, any action
that threatens the right of a few individuals to own and
control public property must be prohibited and curtailed
whatever the cost in resources (the international wing of the
repressive institutions has spent one and one-half trillion
doltars since World War 1), whatever the cost in blood (My
Lai, Augusta, Georgia, Kent State, the Panther trisla, the
frame-up of Angela Davis)! The national repressive institu-
tions (police, National Guard, army, ctc.) are no less deter-
mined. The mayors that cure the rioters and. the looters
(Mayor Daley of Chicago has ordered them summarily ex-

ceuted in the streets) ignore the fact that their bosses have
Taoted the worldit

T refuse 10 make any argument with statlstics compiled
by the fons and associations that I indict. Yet i true
that even official figures prove the case
The Federal Bureau of Investigation compiles an
almost all information on crime in the United States—1 have
the figures as it states them right here: Vital Statistics—FBI
Crime Report—property crimes, 81 percent of the total in
1969, 28 percent of these crimes occurring in the ghetto.
Since 1960, the number of men and women prisoncrs in state
and federal penitentiaries has fluctuated slightly around the

quarter-million mark. These statistics conceal the fiving real-
ity.

“This s my cleventh year of being shoveled into every
major prison in the most populous state in the nation—and

the fargest prison system in the world. What 1 have seen in

)

these eleven years s the living situation, The expericnce is 3
Quite different. from the columns of figures neatly arranged
10 give the impression of well-studied, detached, scientific
and calculated analysis. Hidden are the facts that, at each
inatitution I've beca in, 30 0 sometimes 40 percent of those
held are black, snd every one of the many thousands I've
encountered was from the working or lumpenproletariat
class. There may be a few exceptions, but I simply have not
uuyd&unhnydzv-mwhu-lwmlflnad
mh&nwh?flm,&l&nlmmlulmlhlw
crimes® conviction on cither of which would subject

El"imlilwnmumflufldyknwn-lluhohflum/c
hSanmflu'lldphnxhlnmmnly.mallofllm
cells are lled—cleven of them with black mea—every ane
M'Ihun'iflmlwhfmmlhemiludm

I've been arrested, interrogated or investigated morc
flmalmlfluwml'wmmflmmfinm
the process than the most expert single groups of inquisitors.
From the first moment 'm brought into this scenario, |
stempt Lo esablish control over the exchanges that will ke
Place between myself and my captors. Depeading on the
situation, one leans to feign cither indignation, surprise,
idiacy o fear. At times the peasant-philosopher face will

“All blsck people, wherever they arc, whatever their
crimes, even crimes against other Blacks, are political prison-
3 becauso the system has dealt with them differently than
with whites. Whitey gets the benet of cvery law, every
loophole, and the benefit of belng judged by his pecrs—other
white people. Blacks don't get the beneft of any such jury
trisl by peers. Such a trial s slmost a cinch t0 result in the
conviction of a black person, and It's a consclous political
decision that blacks don't have those benefts” (Howard
Moore Jr., sttormey, official “of™ the court, but not “for” the
court—he's in a position to know—he's honest, black, and
dedicated enough to tell).

The purpose of the chief vepressive Institutions within
the totaltarian capitallst state Is clearly to discourage and
prohibit certain activity, and the prohibitions are aimed at
very distinctly defined sectors of the class- and race-sensi-
thzed soclety. The ultimate expression of law la not order—
t's prison. There aro hundreds upon hundreds of prisons,
llliflmflifll\lpmlhfl_mfidhmy‘llhfl!hnnlfill
order, no social peace. Anglo-Saxon bourgeois law is tied
firmly Into economics. One can even pick that out of those
Vilal Statistics. Bourgeois 1aw protects property relations
and not social relationships. The cultural trits of capitalist
society that also tend to check activity—(individusism, ar-
tificial politeness juxtaposed 1o an aloof rudeness, the rush to
learn “how 10" instead of “what is")—are secondary really,
and intended for those mild cases (and groups) that requice
preventive measures only. The Iaw and everything that inter-
locks with it was constructed for poor, desperate people ke
me.

Jonathan, my younger brother, understood thia poiat
perfectly. The purport of the raid on the Marin County
Courthouse was more significant by far than its calculable
effects. | knew him well, since he was and still is my alter ego.
He went to liberate and to educate with aggressive and freo
action. He knew that as he proceeded In iberating there
‘would be more action, He wasn't a specchmaker, and aclther
am L. Excape from the myth, the hoax, by moving people lnto
action against the terror of the state—counter-terrorism—is
s

the real significance of the August 7th affar, To Jonathan, §
the striking exposure was “audacity, audacity, and more
audacity.” Theary and practice, sirategy and tactics were
based in his mind on actusl confrontation within “this” par.
tcular historlcal development. He must have calculated jhat
foco army activity that was hidden and nameless, operating
where the objective conditions for revolution aiready existed

1t would seem that s0 much free fire would be difficult
{0 explain, but it is not. Freedoms are invariably being pro-
tected with this gunfire. Freedom ‘must then be interpreted
2 thousand scparate ways, but It actually comes down to
freedom for & few families and their friends—(reedom 1o
prey upan the world,

Acccplance of cnalavement ia deeply buried in the pa-
lhqudunfl:rlmdwihlhm.llfinranlluflh
sense of dread and anxiety which s the lot of all men under
capitalist rule. Compulsive behavior and disordered obses-
sional longings sre actually made synonymous with “charac.
lw‘l-u.w-ndny. But o emphasize these
‘conditions before examining the institutions from which they
lpfi-'hiuw-muefih-uhmnd further cloud the
point of attack. So far, cultural analysis has. established that
the paychosis s so ngrained, the institutions o centralized,
that what s necded is total revolution, the armed struggle
between the have-nots with their vanguard and the haves

+ with their hirelings or macabre freaks that live, through them,
g6

civil war between at lcast these two sections o the population
s the only purgative. Total revolution must be aimed at the
purposeful and absolute destruction of the staie and all
present Institutions, the destruction carried out by the so-
called psychopath, the outsider, whose only remedy is de-
struction of the system. This organized massive violence
directed at the source of thought control is the only realistic
therapy.

Analysis of the oppressed mentality and the psy-
chopathic personality that accrue from contact with the
prevarications of Amerikan culture must be carcfully inte-
grated with the analysia of ihe source. Simple interpreltion
of effects tends to calcify—it certainly promotes defeatism.
“Action makes the front.” One can quietly refuse o accept
the constrictions of bourgeals culture, can reject himself,
hate the self and turn iaward. By 50 dolng he sccomplishes
a form of Individual revolt, but here again we find another
unconscious manifestation of the thing we hato—individusl-
ism—a now attitudinal instrumentality of bourgeais culture.
We cannot escape—ane simply cannot reject coastrictions
without rejecting and putting 10 death the constrictor. An
armed attacker cannot be ignared. Gandhi and the gurus
were all abject fools. T would certainly be dead if, when
critical ash polnts matured, T hadn't backed my rejection
with blows. I would hate 10 have been a Vietnamese In My
Lai without arms. 1 hate encounters ike the one at my last
court appearance on April 6, 1971,% when the enemies who
attacked me had all the weapons. § would hate to run into
freaks who have Mike Hammer/J. Edgar Hoover complexes
without being armed. My pledge s to arms, my enemies are
institutions and any men with vested Interests in them, even
if that interest Is only a wage. If revolution means civil war
—1 accept, and the sooner begun the sooner done.

1 don't think the enemy can be identified any more
carefully than this. Further identification must be made in

*on 1971, st a prellminasy beatng of the Sokedad Brothers'
mm‘l.n::—-mo-:.u—unm
desplte repested warnngs. Finally Jackson wheeled acound and decked
the b with & karate blow o the head.—Ed.
g7 the process. I feel lated that my brother died with two guns
in hand. I'm. going (0 miss him and all the others, though
dflthi-wrliln-linnhonlynrduu.lml-pwphim
tensely. 1 miss him intenscly, but he and the others who
sought frecdom died at the throat of the principal repressive

institution of the empire—they died making real attempts at
freedom.

1 paraphruse Castro on trial after Moncada:
“I wam you, gentlemen, 1 have only begun”

Toward

the

Frone™
Annunlufln-ndpmflsinwmnlhuipun(upinlhz

movement centering on political prisoners. How can this
anwmlkwmflwlnmf-fl“dd«-
Mlmmhmhmfl"uwmhb:md
10 lsolate reactionary elements?

Utitary conduct implics & *Search” for those elements
hwml-fimhflwflafiunb«o«l&bflhhrjfinl
sctlon. It involves & conscious reaching for the relevant, the
entente, and cspecially, in our case, the reconcilable,

the centralizing authoritarian process of Ameri-
kan history, the ruling classcs have found it necesary to

and punish any genuine oppasition 10 hierarchy.
But there have always been individuals and groups who
rejected the ideal of two unequal sacieties, existing one on top
of the other.

The men who placed themselves above the rest of so-
ciety through guile, fortuitous outcome of circumstance and
sheer brutality have developed two principal institutions o
deal with any and all serious disobedicnce—the Pprison and
institutionalized racism. There are more prisons of all cate-
gories in the United States than in all other countries of the
s

world combined. At all times there are two-thirds of a mil-
fion people or more confined 1o these prisons. Hundreds are
destined 10 be legally exccuted, thousands more quasi-
legally. Other thousands will never again have any frecdom
of movement barring a revolutionary change in all the insil-
tutions that combine to make up the order of things. One
third of a million people may not seem like a great aumber
compared with the total population of two hundred million.
However, comparcd with the onc million who sre responsi-
ble for all the affairs of men within the extended state, it
constitutes a striking contrast. What I want 10 explore now
are a few of the suble elements that | have observed to be
standing in the path of a much nceded united front (nonsec-
tarian) to effectively reverse this legitimatized rip-of.

Prisons were not institutionalized on such & massive
scale by the people. Most people realize that crime is simply
the result of a grossly disproportionate distribution of wealth
and privilege, a reflection of the present state of property
relations. There are no wealthy men on death row, and so few
in the general prison population that we can discount them
altogether. Imprisonment s an aspect of class struggle from
the outset. 1t is the creation of a closed society which at-
tempts o isolate those individuals who disrcgand the struc-
tures of & hypocritical establishment as well as those who
attempt 1o challenge it on & mass basis. Throughout ts his-
tory, the United States has used its prisons 1o suppress any
organized efforts to challenge its legitimacy—from its at-
tempts 10 bresk up the early Working Men's Benevolent
Association 10 the banning of the Communist Party during
what I regard as the fascist takeover of this country, 1o the
attempls to destroy the Black Panther Party.

‘The hypocrisy of Amerikan fascism forces it to conceal
its attack on political offenders by the legal fiction of con-
spiracy laws and highly sophisticated frame-ups. The masses
must be taught 10 understand the true function of prisons.
‘Why do they exist in such numbers? Whal s the real under-
Iying economic motive of crime and the official definition of
Aypes of offenders or victims? The people must learn that
when one “offends” the totalitarian state it s patently not an

79

offense against the people of that state, but an assault upon
the privilege of the privileged few.

‘Could anything be more ridiculous than the language of
blatantly political indictments: “The People of the State
- va. Angela Davis and Ruchell Magec" or *“The People
of the State . . . va. Bobby Seale and Ericka Huggins.” What
People? Clearly the hierarchy, the armed minority.

We must ducate the people in the real causes of eco-
nomic crimes. They must be made to realize that cven crimes
f passion are the psycho-socisl effects of an economic order
that was decadent a hundred years ago. All crime can be
traced 10 objective soclo-cconomic conditions—socially pro-
ductive or counterproductive activity. In all cases, it is deter-
mined by the economic aystem, the method of economic
organization. “The People of the State . . . va. John Doc” is
23 tenuous as the clearly political frame-ups. It's like stating
“The People va. The People.” Man against himself. Official
definitions of crime are simply attempts by the establishment
10 suppress the forces of progress.

Prisoners must be reached and made (o understand that
they are victims of social injuatice. This is my task working
from within (while 'm here, my persussion is that the war
8953 0n 10 matter where one may find himaelf on bourgeois-
dominated s0il). The sheer numbers of the prisoner class and
the terms of their exiatence make them a mighty reservoir of
revolutlonary poteatisl. Working alone and from within a
steck-enclosed society, there is very little that people like
myself can do (o awake the restrained potential revolution-
a7y outside the walls. That is part of the task of the “Prison
Movement.”

The “Prison Movement,” the August 7th movement
and all smilar efforts educaie the people in the illegitimacy
of establishment power and hint at the ultimate goal of revo-
utionary consciousncss at every level of struggle. The goal
8 alwaya the same: the creation of an infrastructure capable
of fielding a people’s army.

Bach of us should understand that revolution is aggres-
sive. The manipulators of the system cannot or wil not meet
Qo

our legitimate demands. Eveatually this will move usall into

a violent encounter with the system. These are the terminal
years of capitalism, and as we move into more and more
basic challenges to its rule, history clearly forewarns us that
when the prestige of power falls a violent episode precedes
ts transformation.

‘We can attempt to fimit the scope and range of violence
in revolution by mabilizing as many partisans ss possible at
‘every level of socio-economic life. But given the hold that the
ruling class has on this country, and ts history of violence,
nothing could be more certain than civil disorders, perhaps
even civil war. | don't dread either. There are no good as-
pects of monopoly capital, 50 no reservations need be recog-
nized in its destruction. Monopoly capital is the enemy. It
crushes the life force of all of the people. It must bs com-
pletely destroyed, as quickly as possible, utterly, totally,
ruthlessly, relenticssly destroyed.

‘With this as a common major goal, it would scem that
‘anti-establishment forces would find little difficulty in devel-
aping common initiatives and methods consistent with the
‘goals of mass society. Regretfully, this hs not been the case.
Only the prison movement has shown any promise of cutting
across the ideological, racial and cultural barricades that
have blocked the natural coalition of lefi-wing forces at all
times in the pas. So this movement must be used to provide
an example for the partisans engaged at other levels of strug-
gle. The iasues involved and the dialectic which flows from
an understanding of the clear objective existence of overt
oppression could be the springboard for our entry Into the
tide of Increasing world-wide socialist consclousness.

In order to create united left, whose aim s the defense
of political prisoners and prisonera In general, we must re-
nounce the idea that all participants must be of one mind,
and should work at the problem from single party line or
‘with » single party line o with single method. The reverse
of this is actually desirable. “From all according to ability.”
Bach partisan, cutside the vanguard elements, should work
at radicallzing in the arca of their natural environment, the
rhece they preaws their normal lives when not attend-

1o
9

Irldnll.wlllpulnddldbflmhh-d_l‘orlhnvho
sren't ready (o tako that step, & “packet” of pamphlets
should be provided for their education,

Allof this, of course, means that we are moving, and on
8 mass level: Not all in our separate directions—but firmly
mfi&fidflhfiflwwn‘he\lfl-
ll'himlhd."l)-mubmnl-hflumlyw
10 deal effectively with the Amerikan ordeal. The ceatral
committes of the people’s vanguard party must make its
Funnfllfimlfluflflluflm.hnhdlhgmll
‘movement.

With the example of unity in the prison movement, we
u.Wllohvullhaddhhvlwnlpu:rnlluhve
repeatedly allowed bourgeois capitalism, its imperialism and
fasciam, 1o triumph over the last scveral decades. We tap
‘massive potential reservoir of partisans for cadre work. We
make it passible Lo begin 1o address one of the most complex
peycho-social by-products that economic man with his pri-
vate enterprise has manufactured—Raclsm.

I‘vu-'edlli.lmmu'llhlhuderlnmmdunily
for last. Racism ls & matter of ingrained traditional attitudes
conditioned through institutions. For some, it is s natural
A reflex as breathing. The psycho-social effects of segregated
environments compounded by bitter class repression have
served in the past 10 render the progressive movement almost
totally impotent.

‘The major obstacle to a united let in this country is
white racism. There are three categaries of white raciats: the
overt, sclf-satisfled racist who doesn't attempt 1o hide bis
#ntipathy; the self-interdicting racist who harbors and nur.
tures racism in spite of his best efforts; and the unconscious
racist, who has no awareness of hia racist preconceptions.

1 deny the existence of black racism outright, by fiat 1
deny it. Too much black blood has flowed between the chasm
that separates the races. It's fandsmentally unfair o expect
the black man to differentiste at a glance betwoen the various
kinds of white racists. What the apologiata term black racism
Is cither a healthy defense reficx on the part of the sincere
black partisan whao is attempting to deal with the realistic
problems of survival and elevation, or the raciam of the
government stooge organs.

‘As black partisans, we must recognize und allow for the
existence of all thres types of racists. We must understand
their presence a3 an effect of the system. It is the system that
must be crushed, for It continues to manufacture aew and
decper contradictions of both class and race. Once it is de-
stroyed, we may be able to address the problems of racism
tan even more basic level. But we must also combat racism
while we are in the process of destroying the system.

The sell-interdicting racist, no matter what his acquired
conviction or ideology, willscldom be able to contribute with
his actions in any really concrete way. His role in revolution,
barring a change of basic character, will be minimal through-
out. Whether the basic character of a man can be changed
at all s still a question. But . . . we have In the Immediacy
of the “Issues in Question” the perfict opportunity 10 fest the
validity of materialist philosophy again, because we don't
have 10 guess, we have the means of proof.

The need for unitarian conduct goes much decper than
the liberation of Angels, Bobby, Ericks, Magee, Los Siete,
Tijerina, white draft-resisters, and now the indomitable and
faithfll James Carr.® We have fundamental strategy o be

*Angela Davis, Bobby Scale, Bricka Huggina, Ruchell Magee. Los
Siete de In Raza are the seven Chicanos who were soquiied in Saa Fran-
ciaco of the charge of Killing & police officer, and who costinee o be
aramsed by the potice. Rels Tierina ta a Chicana leader Imprisoncd for
his sttempt 10 reassert Mesican-American ownership by right of trealy
‘grunt tolarge tracts offend ln the Southwest. James Carr was with George
Jnckson during most o his yearsIn prison. While on parole, he reportedly
‘attempted 10 come to Georpe's ssistance during the violcat aftermath of
the Soledad Brothers* bearing on Apeil 6. Ho waa arvested sod now faces
“hon mcadi Ve of et t5 nelson 16 complete higife sentence.—Ed.

3

proved—tested and proved. The activity surrounding the
prolection and liberation of people who Aght for us is an
Important sspect of the struggle. But it ia important only if
it provides new initiatives that redirect and. advance the revo-
IuMnW“WMwM»M-ulhea
collective redirection of the old guard—the factory and
union agitator—with the campus activist who can counter
the illeflects of fascism at its training site, and with the
lumpenproletariat intellectuals who possess revolutionary
aclentific-soclallat sttitudes 10 deal with the masses of street
people already living outside the sysiem. They must work
toward developing the unity of the pamphiet and the silenced
pistol. Black, brown and white are all victims together. At
hudmhmflnWluuman
our new man, the unpredictable culmination of the revolu-
tlonary process. He will be better equipped (0 wage the real

struggle, the permancat struggle afler the revolution—the
one for new relatlonships between men.

After the
Revolution

Has Failed

After the Killing ia done, the ruling class goes on about
the business of making profits as usual.

armdrawal

i ion which must logi-
be true if the premises are true, oo
—Merriam- Webster
i

Afer revolution has failed, all questions must center on how |

# new revolationary consciousness can be mobilized around
the new set of class antagonisms that have been created by
the authoritarian reign of terror. At which level of sacial,
political and econamic life should we begtn our new attack?

First, we, the black partisans and their vanguard party,
the old and new left alike, must concede that the worker's
revolution and its vanguard parties have failed to deliver the
Promised changes in property relations or any of the instita-
tions that support them. This must be conceded without
bitterness, name-calling, or the Intense rancor that is pres-
ently bullding. There have been two depressions, two great
wars, a dozen serious recessions, & dozen brush wars, crisis
after economic crisis. The mass psycho-social national cohe-
siveneas has trembled on the brink of disruption and disinte-
gration repeatedly over the last ity years, threstening to fly
‘apart from its awn concentric inner dynamics. But at each
crisis it was allowed to reform tself; with each reform, revo-
lution became more remote. This is because the old lef has
failed to understand the true nature of fascism.

We will never have a complete definition of fasciam,
because it a In constant mation, showing a new face to fit any
particular set of problems that arise to threaten the predomi-
aance of the traditionalist, capitalist ruling class. But if ane
were forced for the sake of clarity to define it in a word simple
enough for all 1o understand, that word would be “reform.”
We'can make our definition more precise by adding the word
“economic.” “Economic reform™ comes very close 1o &
working definition of fascist motlve forces.

Such & definition may serve to clarify things even
though it leaves a great deal unexplained. Each econdmic
reform that perpetustes ruling-class hegemony has to be dis-
guised as a positive gain for the upthrusting masses. Disguise
enters as a third stage of the emergence and development of
the fascist atate. The modern industrial fascist state has
found it essential to disguise the opulence of its rufing-class
\eisure existence by providing the lower classes with a mass
consumer's flea market of its own. To allow a sizable portion
of tha “pew state” to participate in this flea market, the
75

ruling class has established currency controls and minimum
wage laws that mask the true nature of modern fascism.
Reform (the closed cconomy) is only a new way for capital-
ism 10 protect and develop fascism!

Afer the German SS agents or Htalian Black Shirts kick
in the doors and herd Jews and Communist partisans to
death camps, afer Peg-Leg White's Black Legion terror and
the Guardians of the Republic® and their offspring legitimize
the F.B.L., In other words, afler the fascists have succeeded
in crushing the vanguard elements and the threat they pose
s removed, the ruling class goes on about the business of

making profits as usual. The significance of the “new fascist
arrangement” lies In the fact that this business-as-usual is

#ccompanied by concessions (o the degenerate segment of
the working class, with the aim of creating a buffer zone
between the ruling class and the stil potentially revolution.
ary scgmens of the lower classes.

Corporative ideals have reachied their logical conclusion
in the US. The new corporate state has fought its way
Ihmqhahidluuflgnllhlhhfllumflnldunhmy
important institution, formed its partnership with labor
through its elites, erected the most massive network of pro-
tective agencles replete with sples, technical and animal, to
be found in any police state In the world. The violence of the
ruling class of this country in the long process of its trend
toward authoritsrianism and its last and highest state, fas-
cism, cannot be rivaled in its excesses by any other nation on
earth today or in history.

‘With each advancement in the authoritarian process
and strengthening of the ruling class's control over the sys-
tem, there was & correspanding weakening of the people’s
and worken’ movement.

And intellectuals still argue whether Amerika is a fas-
ciat country. This concemn is typical of the Amerikan le's
fight from reallty, rom any truly extreme position. This is

eTrobubly the author Is referring to the Guardians of Liberty, an

anthimmigrast group formed by ex-milisry oficers and
i) servants In New York in 1911, Amoag I founders ws Nelson A.
Miles, former chief of staf of the Usited Siates Army.

15
N

act

a manifestation of the authoritarian process secping
into its own payche. At this stage, how can anyone question [ |
the existence of a fascist arrangement? Just consider the
awesome centralization of power, and the proven fact that

the largest part of the Gross National Product is in the hands

of a minute portion of the population.

Of course, the revolution has failed. Fascism has tempo-
rarily succeeded under the guise of reform. The only way we
can destroy it is Lo refuse to compromise with the enemy
state and its ruling class. Compromises were made in the
thirtics, the forties, the 8ftles. The old vanguard parties made
gross strategic and tactical errors. At the existential moment,
the last revelation about oneself, not many members of the
old vanguard chooss to risk their whole futures, their lives,
in order to alter the conditions that Huey P. Newton de-
scribes as “destructive of Hife."

Reformism was allowed. The more degenerate elements
of the warking class were the first to succumb. The vanguard
parties supported the capitalistic war adventure in World
War IL Then they helped to promote the mass consumers®
‘market that followed the close of the war, the flea market
that muted the workers' more genuine demands. Today we
are faced with a clearly different sct of class antagonisms, the
complexities of a particularly refined fascist economic ar-
rangement, where the controlling elites have co-opted large
portions of the lowly working class.

‘When we ask ourselves, Where will we attack the enemy
statc? we are answered, AL the productive point. The next
togical question is, With whom and what will we sttack the
fortified entrance of the productive and distributive system
in a nation of short-sighted, contented, conservative work-
ers? Obvicusly, the fascist movement is counterrevolution at
its very center. Fascist reformism is a calculated response to
the classic, scientific-socialist approach to revolution
through positive mobilization of the working classes. From
its inception, the fascist arrangement has attempied to create
the iflusion of a mass soclety In which the traditionsl capital-
ist ruling class would continue to play its leading role. A
mass society that s not a mass society; a mass soclety of

7

authorilarians whose short-term material interests are per-
fectly suited 1o the development of the perfect totalitarian
state and centralized economy. The most precise definitions.
of fasclsm Involve the concept of “scientific capitalism,” or
“controlied capitalism,” a sophisticated, totalitarian,
“leared" response 1o the challenge of egalitarian, sclentific
socialism. Afer its successful establishment in Spain, Portu-
8al, Greece, South Africa and the United States of America,
‘we are faced with the obvious question of “how o raise a new
‘consciousness.”

Weare faced with the task of raising a positive mobiliza-
tion of revolutionary consciousncss in a mass that has “gane
through a cantra-positive, suthoritarian process.

“The new vanguard clements seem (o agree that with-
drawal from the enemy state and its social, political and
economio life is the irst step toward its destruction. The new
vanguard elements seem to agree that the new revolutionary
canscousness will develop in the struggles of withdrawal.
However, afler this point, agreement grows vague and is all
but lost in a sea of contradiction. The contention turns on
one primary question—the scope and range of violence
‘within the revolutianary process.

After the lengthy and clearly unnecessary ideological
battle that aid to reat a direct approach to revolution by the
white or black worker, we are now faced with an equally
unnecessary ideological battle over which of the various
communal (revolutionacy cultural) sppraaches has the
stronger revolutionary validity.

The problem is compounded by the almost spolitical
withdrawal of the growing Weatherman faction, and
estranged allies on campus to organic food gardens and a life
of sex, music and druga. Their Nietzschean-Hegelian with-
drawal mimics the Buropean historical experience of the last
five generations. In our equation, this must be considered the
minor side of the syllogism. Though revolution is in fashion,
the realistic, cohesive synergism scems as yer impossibly
‘remote.

On the other tide of the cquation, we have Huey New-
ton's concept of black communes set well within the huge

7
18

population centers of the enemy state. This concept accepts
any level of violence that will be necessary to enforce the
demands of the people and workers. These communes will be
tied t0 one another by a national and interuational vanguard
party and joined with the world's other revolutionary soci-
eties. They are the obvious answer 10 all the theoretical and
practical questions and problems about an Amerikan revolu-
tion—a revolution that will be carried out principally by
blacks.

‘The question I've asked myself over the years runs this
way: Who has done most of the dying? Most of the work?
Most of the time in prison (on Max Row)? Who is the
hindmost in every aspect of social, political and economic
life? Who has the least short-term interest—or no interest at.
all—in the survival of the present state? In this condition,
how could we belleve in the possibility of a new gencration
of enlightened fascists who would dismantle the basis of their
hierarchy?

Just how many Amerikans are willing 1o accept the
physical destruction of some parts of thelr fatherland so that
the rest of the land and the world might survive in good
health? How can the black industrial worker be induced to
carry out a valid worker's revolutionary policy? What and
who will guide him? The commune. The central city-wide
revolutionary culture. But who will build the commune that
will guide the peaple into a significant challenge to property
rights? Carving out a commune in the central city will in-
volve claiming certain rights as our own—out front. Rights
that have not been respected to now. Property rights. It will
Involve building a political, social and economic infrastruc-
ture, capable of flling the vacuum that has been left by the
establishment ruling class and pushing the occupying forees
of the enemy culture from our midst. The implementation of
this new social, political and economic program willfeed and
comfort all the people on at least & subsistence level, and
force the “owners™ of the enemy bourgeois culture cither to

tie their whole fortunes to the communes and the people, or
10 leave the land, the tools and the market behind. If he will
not leave voluntarily, we will expel him—we will use the

"
9

shotgun and the anti-tank rocket launcherl! 19

Whn!dllihllllonlnldnl!hlhqlmdlhlom!'l‘he
vanguard party is now nation-wide. But vanguard parties
cannot build revolutions alone. Nor can & vanguard party
expect full party-line agreement before it moves in the direo-
tion of the people. Revolution s illcgal. It's against the law.
s prohibited. It will not be allowcd. 1t is clear that the
revolutionary is a lawless man. The outlaw and the lampen
'flluhlfiemmwflgflnwwknwilldopl
kmmhthmoflun’fllnumzlhh\xn‘&e
modern industrial fascist state.

In blacks, the authoritarian traits are mainly the cffeots
of terrorism and lack of intellectusl stimulation. “The com-
munal experlence will redeem them. At presct, the black
worker is simply choosing the less dangerous and com-
plicated strategy of survival. Al classes and all people are
sublect to the authoritarien syndrome. It is an atavistic
throwback 1o the herd instincts. But it requires only the
‘Proper trauma, the proper eco-soclological set of circumatan-
tlal pressures 10 bring forth a revolutionary consciousness.

Racism enters, on the psycho-social level, in the form of
lmovbld,uldfiinudh-rnfbflhhh:hl.dmulllhunm
resentment of blacks, and conscious or unconscious tenden-
cles o mete out pain 10 blacks, throughout the history of
Amerika's slave systems, all came Into focus when blacks
began the move from South to North and from countryside
1o city to compete with whites in industrial sectors, and, in
general, engage in status competition. Resentment, fear, In-
security, and the usual Isolation that s patterned into every
modern, capitalst industrial society (the more complex the
products, the greater the division of labor; the higher the
Pyramid, the broader its base and the smaller the individual
Mulnhu'd)mmnlwbyhmmhmnu
antagonism, i3 also & factor. There is certainly no lack of
evidence lo prove the existence of an old and built-in charac.
ler assassination of programmed racism (what class controls
the nation's educational facilities, prints the newspapers and
magazines that carvy the liule cartoons, and omits or mis.
represents us to death) has always served to distract and
1re

defuse feclings of status deprivation suffered by the huge
sectors just above the black ane. Then also (o account for the
seemingly dusl nature recognizable in the authoritarlan per-
sonality (conformity, but also & strange latent destructive-
ness), racism has always been employed as a pressure relcase.
for the paychopathic destructivencss evinced by a people
historically processed Lo fear, to feel the need for a decision-
maker, to hate frecdom.

The revolutionary is outlawed. The black revolutionary

doomed man.* All of the forces of counterrevolution
ck up over his head. He's standing in the tank-trap he has
dug. He lives in the cross hairs. No one can understand: the
fecling but himself. “From the beginning” of his revolution-
ary consclousness he must use every device o stay alive.
Violence is & forced issue. It's Incumbent on bim. The very
fist political programs have had to'be defended with ducls
to the death. The children’s breakfast programs haves't beea
spared, The next round of commune building could cause the
third great war of the century.

‘We must build with the fingers of one hand wrapped
around 8 gun (an ant-personncl weapon). We cannot leave
the central city. This must be understood by the other revolu-
tionary peaple if we are 10 move together to conclusive ac-
tion.

“The war will be fought in the nerve centers of the nation,
the cities where Angela was finally captured as she was at
‘work for the revolution, where Huey was found hiding and
working by the government's propaganda apparatus.

‘We cannot withdraw from the cities. In erder to com-
plete the revolutionary syllogism, the fascists must be forced
10 withdraw. And under cover of the guns which force their
withdrawal, we will build the new biack communes. A
BLADE IN THE THROAT OF FASCISM.

GEORGE JACKSON
lo)

Fascism =

s most edvanced form is here in Amerika.

Comrade John*

I've just finished rereading Angela's analysis of fascism
(she's a brilliant, “big," beautiful revolutionary woman—
ain't shell). I've studied your letters on the subject carefully.
Tt could be productive for the three of us to get together at
once and subject the whole question 10 a detailed historical
analysis. There is some difference of opinion and interpreta-
ton of history beiween us, but basically 1 think we are
brought together on the principal points by the fact that the
three of us could not meet without probably causing World
War 1L,

Give her my decpest and warmest love and ask her to
review these comments. This is not el that I will have to say
on the subject. PIl constantly return to myself and reexam-
ine. I expect L will have 1o carry this on for another couple
of hundred pages. We'll deal with the questions as they come
up, but for now this should provoke both of you to push me
0N 10 8 greater effort.

The basis of Angela's analysis i tied into several old left
notions that are at least open to some question now. It is my
view that out of the econamic criss of the last great depres.
sion fascism-corporativism did indeed emerge, develop and
consolidate itself into its most advanced form here in
Amerika. In the process, socialist consciousness suffered
some very severe setbacks. Unlike Angela, 1 do not believe
that this reslization leads 10 a defeatest view of history. An

*John Thorne, the, suthor's lawyer.
je2

understanding of the reality of our situation is essential othe 2.
success of future revolutionizing activity. To contend that
corporativism has emerged and advanced is aot to say thal
it has triumphed. We are not defeated. Pure fascism, sbsolute:
totalitarianism, is not possible.

Hicrarchy has had six thousand years of trial. It will
never succeed for long in any form. Fascism and its historical
significance s the point of my whole philasophy on politics
and its extension, war. My opinion is that we are at the
historical climex (the flsh point) of the totalitarian period.
The analysis In depth that the subject deserves has yet to be
done. Imporiant as they are, both Withelm Reich's and
Franz Neumann's works® on the subject are limited. Reich
tends to be overanalytical to the point of ideafism. 1 don’t
think Neumann truly sensed the importance of the antiso-
cinlist movement. Behemoth is 100 narrowly based on the
experience of German National Socialism. So there s 50
much to be done on the subject and time is ruaning out. If

1 am correct, we will 300 be forced into the same fight that
the old lel avoided.

6720/M

It is not defeatist to acknowledge that we have lost a
battle. How else can we “regroup” and even think of carrying
on the fight. At the center of revolutlon Is realism. To call
one or two or & dozen setbacks defeal is to overlook the
ebbing and flowing process of revalution, coming claser to
our calculations and then receding, but never standing still.
1f 2 thing isn’t building, it must be decaying. As one force
cmerges, the opposite force must yicld; as one advances, the
other must retreat. There is a very significant difference be-
tween retreat and defeat. | am not saying that our pareats
were defeated when 1 contend that fascist-corporativism
emerged and advanced in the U.S. At the same time it was
‘making its advance, it caused, by lts very nature, an advance
in world-wide soclalist consclousness: “When USS. capital-

*The Mass Paychologyof Facism. by Wihelm Relch; Behersat: The
T Y ottt o Besax Newmenn.
/03

fsm reached the stage of imperialism, the Western greatpow- 23
ers had already divided among themscives almost all the
important markets In the workl. At the end of World War
TE when the other imperialist powers had been weakened, the
US. became the most powerful and richest imperialist
power. Meanwhile, the world situstion was no longer the
same: the balance of forces between imperialism and the
socialist camps had fundamentally changed; imperialism no
longer ruled over the world, nor did it play a decisive role
in the development of the world situation™ (Vo Nguyen
Giap).

In my analysis, I'm simply taking into account the fact
that the forces of reaction and ‘counterrevolution were al-
fawed to localize themsclves and radiate their encrgy here in
the U.S. The process has created the economic, political and
cultural vortex of capitalism's last re-form. My views corre-
#pond with those of allthe Third Warld revolutionaries. And
lfllhlfinflmdulflawflz%rmlwmhln
redeom not merely ourselves but the whole nation and the
‘whole community of nations from colonial-community eco-
nomie repression.

The USS. has established itself as the mortal enemy of
all people’s government, all scleatific-socialist mobilization
of consciousness everywhere on the globe, all ant-imperialist
activity on easth. The history of this country in the last fity
Years and more, the very nature of all its fundamental ele-
ments, and lts economic, social, political and military mobili.
aatlon distinguish It as the prototype of the international
fasclat countervevolution. The U.S. is the Korean problem,
the Vietnamese problem, the problem in the Congo, Angols,
Mozambique, the Middlc East. It's the grease in the British
and Latin Amerikan guns that operate against the masses of
comman peaple.

6/21/11
The nature of fascism, its characteristics and properties
have been In dispute ever since it was firat identified 3 a
distinct phenomenon growing out of taly's state-supported
and developed industries in 1922. Whole libraries have been
/et

written around the subject. There have been a hundred 24

“party lines” on Just exactly what fasclsm is. But both Marx-
ists and non-Marxists agree on at least two of its general
factors: its capitalist orientation and its anti-labor, nti-class
aature. These two factors almost by themselves identlfy the
US. a3 a fascist-corporative state.

An exact definition of fascism concerns me because it
will help us identify our enemy and isolate the targets of
revolution. Further, it should help us o understand the
workings of the enemy’s methodology. Settling this question
of whether or not a mature fascism has developed will inally
clear away some of the fog in our iberation efforts. Thia will
help us 1o broaden the effort. We will not succeed until we
fully accept the fact that the encmy s aware, determined,
disguised, totalitarian, snd mercilessly counterrevolutionary.
To fight efectively, we must be aware of the fact that the
enemy has consolidated through reformist machination the
greatest community of setf-interest that has ever existed.

Our insistence an military action, defensive and retalia-
tory, has nothing to do with romanticism or precipitous
idealistic fervor. We want 1o be effective. We want o live.
Our history teaches us that the successful Hiberation struggles
require an armed people, a whole people, actively participat-
ing in the struggle for thelr libertyl

The final definition of fasclsm Is stifl open, simply be-
cause it is still a developing movement. We have siready
discussed the defects of trying to analyze a movement outside
of ita process and its sequential relationships. You gain onty
a discolored glimpse of a dead past.

No one will fully comprehend ths historical implica-
tions and strategy of fascist corporativism except the true
fascist manipulator or the researcher who Is able to slash
through the smoke screens and disgulses the fasclsts set up.
Fascism was the product of class struggle. It is an obvious
extension of capitalism, & higher form of the old struggle—
capitalism versus sociafism. 1 think our failure to clearly
isolate and define it may have something to do with our
insistence on a full definition—in other wards, looking for
exetly identical symptems from nation (0 nation. We have

[0S been cousistently misled by fascism's nationalistic trappings.
'We have filed to understand its basically intemational char-
scter. In fact, it has followed international socialism all

around the globe. One of the most definite characteristics of
fascism is its international quality.

bXy

6/2/11

‘The trends toward monopoly capital began effectively
Just after the close of the Civil War in Amerika. Prior to its
emergence, bourgeois democratic rule could be said to have
been the predominant political force inside Amerikan so-
cicty. As manopoly capital matured, the role of the old bour-
8eols democracy faded in process. As monopaly capital
forced out the small disperaed factory setup, the new cor-
‘porativiam assumed political supremacy. Monopoly capital
can in 10 way be interpreted as an extension of old bourgeois
demooracy. The forces of monopoly capital swept across the
Western world in the first half of this century. But they did
not exist alone. Their opposite force was also at work, l.e.,
“international socialism”—Lenin's and Fanon's—national
wars of liberation guided not by the national bourgeois but
by the people, the ordinary working-class people.

At its core, fascism is an cconomic rearrangement, It is
International capitalism’s response to the challenge of inter-
national scientific socialism. It developed from nation (o na-
tion out of differing levels of traditionalist capitalism’s
dilapidation. The common feature of all instances of fascism
is the opposition of a weak socialist revolution. When the
fascist arrangement beging to emerge in any of the inde-
pendent nalion-states, it does 0 by defaultl It is simply an
arrangement of an established capitaliat cconomy, an at.
fempt to renew, perpetuate and legitimize that economy’s
rulers by circumficxing and weighing down, diffusing a revo-
lutionary consciousness pushing from below. Fascism must
e scen as an episodically logical stage in the socio-cconomic
development of capitaliam in a state of criis. It s the result
of & revolutionary thrust that was weak and miscarried—a
consciousness thal was compromised. “When revolution
faila .. . it's the Fault of the vanguard parties.”
]o6

It is clear thal class struggle is an ingredient of fasciam.
1t follows that where fascism emerges and develops, the ant-
capitalist forces were weaker than the traditionafst forces.
This weakness will become even more pronounced as fasclsm
develops! The ultimate aim of fascism Is the complete de-
struction of all revolutionary consclousncss.

M

Our purpose here is to understand the essence of this
living, moving thing so that we will understand how to move
agalnst it.

This observer is convinced that fascism not oaly exists
in the US.A. but has riscn out of the ruins of & once eroded
and dying capitalism, phoenixlike, 10 its most advanced and
logical arrangement.

One has 10 understand that the fascist arrangement tol-
erates the existence of no valid revolutionary activity. It has
programmed into its very nature a massive, complex and
automatic defense mechanlsm for all our old methods for
raising the consciounes of a potentially revolutionary class
of peaple. The essence of a U.S.A. totalitarian socio-palitical
capitalism is concealed behind the lllusion of & mass par-
ticipatory society. We must rip away its mask. Then the
debate can end, and we can enter new phase of struggle

based on the development of an armed revolutionary culture
that will triomph.

On May 14, 1787, the Constitutional Conveation with
George Washington presiding officer, the work of (ramiag.
the new nation's constitution proceeded with Aty-five per-
sons and only two were not employersl

“There have been many booms and busts in the history
of capitalism in this nation and across the Westem Hemi-
sphere since its formation. The accepted method of pulling
the stricken economy out of its stupor has always been to
expand. It was pretty clear from the outset that the surplus
value factor eventually leads to a point in the business cycle
when the existing implementation of the productive factors
makes it impossible for the larger factor of production (18-
bar) to buy back the “fruits of its labor.” This leads to what

24
127 has been esroncously termed “overproduction.” I s, in fact,

underconsumption. The remedy has always been to expand,
1o search out new markets and new sources of cheaper raw
materials 10 recharge the economy (the imperialist syn-
drome).

Conflicts of intereats develop, of course, between the
various Western nations and eventually lead to competition
for these markets. The result is always an ever-increasing
international centralization of the various capit ites,
world-wide cartels: International Telegraphic Unions (now
International Tele-communications Union), universal postal
union, transportation, agricultural, and scientific syndicates.
Before World War [ there were forty-five or fifty such inter-
‘national syndicates, not counting the purely business cartels.
‘The international quality of capitalism s not happenstance.
Ttis clearly in the Interests of the ruling class to expand and
unite. 1 am one Marxist-Leninist-Maolst-Fanonist who does
not completely accept the idea that the old capitalist com-
petltive wars for colonlal markets were actually willed by the
various rulers of each nation, even though such wars stimu-
Iated their focal ecanomies and made it possiblc to promote
nationalism smong the lower classes. War taken to the point
of diminishing returns weakens rather than strengthens the
participants, and if the rulers of these nations were. anything
st all they were good businessmen. Expansion, then, which
ofen led unavoldably to war, was the traditional recourse In
the solving of problems created by a vacuous, uncontroliable
system, which never considered any changes in its arrange-
ment, s cssential dynamics, until it came under a very real,
directly threatening challenge from below to its very
existence. Fascism in its early stages s a rearrangement of
capitalist implementation In response 1o a sharpening,
threatening, but weaker egalitarian socialist consciousness.

In regional or national economic crisis the traditional
remedics also Include measures which stop Just short of mas-
sive expansion on the international level. Traditional con.
hnhinndlmninundwhmcllwu!uhudln the
form of government Intervention, tariffs, public cxpenditure,

27
128

goveinment export subsidy and limited contral of the capital
market and import licenses, and monopolies have always 2§
used government 1o help direct investment.

Classes
at
War

Mobllization and Contramebliization

Enough time has passed now since the cmergence of fascism,
the extreme crisls that precipitated it, and the hostilitics that
caused its carly development 10 view it with less of the color-
ing that sensationalism and war propaganda necessarily cre-
ate. We should now be able, after time has somewhat dufled
the traumatic exchanges of debate and struggle, to analyze
fascism objectively-its antecedents, its prime characteristics,
and its goals. In denying its ideological importance 1 am not
suggesting that all of its advocates (of the especially carly
‘period) were opportunist or deranged Individuals reacting to
& personal threat to their own situation within the soclety. A
great many of the early fascist intellectuala were responding
1o very real social situation. As intelligentsia, keepera of the
particular nation's system of values, art forms and political
thought, they felt it was their responsibility to attempt to
resolve a growing social problem, My Insistence upon the
nonimportance of Ideology indeed rests squarely upon this
point: that most of the fascist intellectusls were rescting to
the uprootedness and social disintegration of the particular
moment, and with each change in the face of this state of
affaira they were in large part forced to repudiate most of
thei former ideology. Weight is given to this observation by
the fact that early fasclsm Included an amalgam of expres-
sionists, anarcho-syndicalists, futuriats, Hegelian idcaliats,
theoretical syndicalists, nationalists and, in the case of the
Spanish Falange, Intellectual anarchists.
(07

The whole theme of this early face of fascism was not 11
merely anti-communist but fundamentally a general indict-
ment of decadence, bourgeois decadance. Fascism also ab-
sorbed some socialists. In 1914 the Fasci di Azione
Rivoluzionaria formed itself out of a group of super-national-
st patriots favoring ltalian intervention in the war against
the Central Powers. Benito Mussolini, a leader of the ex-
treme syndicallet faction of the Socialist Party, supported
them vehemently In his newspaper If Popolo d"lialia, and of
course this resulted In his expulsion from the party. In
March 1919, alter the decp disillusionment and unrest
caused by the Halian participation in the war, Mussolini
formed the first real fascia. The intellectuals that supported
him did ot do %0 out of a sense of the usual role of the

intellectualin soclety (L., 1o educat, toset the values of that
soclety) in & time of extreme soclal disintegration and eco-
nomic crisis. Men fike Benedetto Croce and Arturo Tos-
canini, and others like Glovanni Gentile and Gabriele
D'Annunzio (one of Italy’s greatest poets), supported Mus-
solini almost out of desperation at what they felt (o be a
destructive national breakdown. All four were clitist and
may have also felt that their status as intellectuals was also
threatened. Recall, the Russian revolution had shocked the
world to its foundations about this time. The general disre-
gard of the Socialist Party for any art form or scientific
activity that did ot serve the state, and its tendency to
factlonalize and procrastinate alienated many of the nation's
top intellectuals.

But the final reason why the importance of ideology in
fascism must be denicd is the fact that it exists in more than
one form. In fact, historically it has proved to have three
different faces. One “out of power™ that tends almost to be
revolutionary and subversive, anticapitalist and antlsocialist.
One “in power but not secure"—this Is the scnsational aspect
of fascism that we sec on screen and read of in pulp novels,
when the ruling class, through lts instrumental regime, is
able to suppress the vanguard party of the people’s and work-
en' movement. The third face of fascism exists when it is
o

“in power and securely . During this phase some dissent
may even be allowed. In Italy, Trilussa the poet wrote and
‘published more bitter and biting satires sttacking the polltl-
cal regime than can be found in any of the so-called liberal-
democratic atates. In April 1925, three ycars after the fascist
March on Rome, Benedetio Croce was able to publish &
clearly anti-fascist manifesto.

The finished product, the actual fascist arrangement, is
diametrically opposed to its original ideology. The regime
turns openly traditionalist and idiots like Mussolini receive
the favor and compliments of other idiots like President
Roosevelt, Bernard Shaw, Du Pont, Kennedy, and H.G.
Wells. This stems from an inevitable conflict between the
notion of & new spiritualistic man and the theory of the
ethical state. The ideals of obedicnce and creativity, author-
ity and freedom, are so contradictary of exch other, 30 mutu-
ally exclusive, that the ideology of fascism could never be
taken seriously.

The pseudo-intellectual origins of fascism can be traced
all the way back to ancient Greece. The German National
Socialist apologist Alfred Baumler and exprestionist Gott-
fried Benn both recognized Hegel, as did some of the Itallan
intellectuals and Eastern European fascists. The Western
Buropeans, however, favored the primitive, withdrawn
idesls of Nictzsche or a confused combination of Nietzsche
and Hegel with a bit of Plato's philosopher king added for
‘window dressing. Actually, there have been a3 many differ-
ent fascist ideals and arrangements as therc have been fascist
societies. Which brings us 10 the relevant point of inquiry.
“The Importance or form of a particular political regime can
never be understood simply as it stands alone. Jts social and
economic past must be Investigated and clearly defined
before the distinctive being of the palitical realm takes shape.

Tt wasn't until the mid-nineteenth century that Ger-
many and ltaly reached nation-state status. Ther heavy in-
dustrial sectors were rapidly espanding and coming into
conflict with the traditionalist economic sectors. Though
there were some clashes of Interest within the extended
family of the ruling classes at the point of their emergence

30

n

into Wester bourgeois cullure, the section controlling the 3(

largest share of the GNP in all cases finally succeeded in
gaining an cven greater hold over the direction of the
economy, with class interest generally working a compro-
mise. The final result always Involved a higher degree of
centrallzation of power and control. I term this contra-posi-
tive mobilization. 1t occurs when the capitalist industrial
seclor of a particular soclety succeeds in altering the preexist-
ing equilibrium In its favor. The period in question wes char-
actesized by the movement of masses from the traditional
agricultural sector into the sweat shops (large and medium)
of the cities. A policy was designed by this capitalist class to
limit the range of choices of the newly mobilized masses. But
“the specter of communism” was “haunting Europe.” The
working masses began o organize and exert increasing influ-
ence in the realm of politics. This we will term positive
mabilization.

So a three-sided political struggle opened the twenticth
century. Actually it was a two-sided struggle: the proletariat
sgainat the ruling class. A multitude of conflicts existed
within the ruling class, particularly between the older tradi-
tlonallat sectors and the manufacturing class. Within these
two factions there were a number of separate Interest groups.
The corporative deal had s roots In this conflict. Elitist,
conservative economists like Pareto theorized sround such
concepts as “governing elites,” and “general cquilibrium.”
The object of course was (o diffuse the positive mobilization
of the working class. The system itself was ostensibly de-
signed 10 balance the interests of all economic classes and
substructural groups. However in fact, its principal purpose
‘was to check the growth of the vanguard party's influence on
the working class. In its beginning, especially in ltaly, it was
100 vague and difficult to control. General equilibrium was
fever reached and class struggle went on unabated. Class
cansciousness sharpencd and the old bourgeois demacratic
states, torn from within and in conflict with cach other,
rushed toward their own ruin.

There is another form of mass mobilization that has
7

strong socio-economic significance. 1t lies between positive
and contra-positive mobilization. 1t involves the men who
were uprooted to serve in nation-state wars. Those who were
recruited from the agricultural sector gencrally gravitated to
the cities after their release, further dislocating the economy
in favor of the modern sector. The traditional agricultural
sector was forced to mechanize (modernize) and pull mar-
ginal land out of production. In some arcas agriculture col-
lapsed altogether. The result was the need to Import
foodstuffs and other agricultural products. This may or may
o0t have dsmaged the overall economy, but in any case it
represented another function turned over to the modern seo-
tor.

ARer World War 1, international capitalism weat
through an expansion phase of the business cycle. At its base
were the regenerative effects of war on capitalist production
and speculation. But the boom was brif, The great war had
taken the whole business of destruction of surplus to the
point of diminishing returns. The years 1920 to 1925 were
spent in recession and depression across the Western world.
The few years that followed—from 1925 to 1929—business
“roared" back to recovery and expansion. Industrial manu-
facturing around the Western world and parts of the Third
World (Japan, Argentina, Brazil) Increased by 25 percent.
‘The volume of world trade Increased accordingly. However,
an increase in the arts of agricultural production, under the
strain to modernize without a corresponding increase in the
abillty of the great laboring masses to buy back what was
being produced, precipitated a sharp fall in the price struc-
ture of foodstuffs in one of the world's largest agricultural
centers, the United States. It was underconsumption (not
overproduction), and it led 1o the fatal stock market crash of
1929. The whole Western world went into recession and deep
depression.

Two countries were little affected by the general break-
down: Russia, which had taken itself off the wheel with a
successful socialist revolution, and taly, which hed estab-
lished a strong economic centralization that tended to close
her economy off from the other bourgeois states. Italy had

32
"3

already established fascism shortly afler World War 1during 3
the 1920-25 economic crisis. That war had mobilized mil-
Yions of Htaians, most of whom were uprooted from overtra-

ditionalist sectors of the proletariat. They had gone through
the changes that mast other Western countries were about to
adopt. The key element that made the economic policy of
fasciat arrangements unique was the cmphasia on “reform
through government intervention.” The opposite of Adam
Smith's “invisible hand™ working to coordinate economic

activity. The opposite of the French revolutionary battle cry
“laissez faire.”

—-ulhh-hmfmuwlflh&emymw
sisted by the petit bourgeois, the landed classes and the
Indl_nww.“n-nheh-hhww.
Wm'w:hul.hnpumin;wv-
tloapitalist: “parasitlc. capitalism,” “llcgitimate capital,”
"npldnnupl'hl,"-u.,fic,mmlnnhlulyundwllh
carly fascsm, in Falangist Spain and in Germany.
Mfl.munhflmwmwm
'Illlllnu-lndllrlhlnllklnlh&mnlfllo-ry"flifl
-dmugnndufllumhhml"hdewmhwlhe
international sociallst movement dated from the moment he
#ave his unreasonable support to a nation-state war in which

tlon In reformist capitalism were no doubt due to the faction.
alism and basically reformist attitude of the Socialist Party.
In spie of the fact that the Socialists won 156 seats in the
Chamber In the clections of 1919 (over 30 percent more than

the next lrgest political party, the Catholic Popular Party)
1

Y
1

and won majorities in the councils of 2,202 communes and
26 provinces (there were 8,507 communes and 69 provinces)
in the general adminiatration elections of the following year,
‘snd in spite of the fact that the Soclalist General Confedera-
tion of Labor had grown from 300,000 members before
World War I 10 slmost 2.5 million members in 1920, the
Socialists still scemed poweriess to solve the natlon's cco-
nomic problems with the promised revolution. In 1920 the
Sociallst Party seized control of all the nation's steel-
manufacturing plants but, incredibly, retumed them to the
private Interests. Several accounts claim that the workers
‘couldn't run the plants—but If the makers of steal can’t make

+ . 7 Cbviously it was a problem of direction and
mansgement in the vanguard party. There were strikes, slow-
downs, lockouts and the kinds of disorders that preceds
revolution (or counterrevolution). In the years following the
war and during the carly depression of 1920-23 Italy could
have gone cither soclallst or fascist. There were partisans
enough in both parties to lead the uprooted, disintegrating
society into a new direction. The difference was In the nature
of the leadership, along with the question of who would be
willing to commit their whole fortunes and futures to the
battle.

Mussolinl took his Black Shirt army and moved to the
fight killing and suppressing his opposition for the interests
of an alarmed industrial-traditionalist efite: He was well edu-
cated in the science of positive mobilization, which made him
the natural architect of a contra-positive mabilization in-
tended to diffuse the working-class movement. He “scized
power” in 1922 with the full support of the northem indus-
trialists, the petit bourgeois, and the older traditionalist
‘agracian interests. The 1921 elections lef his party with only
35 seats out of a possible 535 in the parfiamentary body. But
by applying violence judiciously and scientifically as he had
learned from Lenin, he was sble 1o force the abdication of the
king and the constitutional monarchy and form the first
political regime representing the new directlon of capitalist
dmlm “B): right”—he pumped bullets into the old

B

3¢
1

waymnnum(mmlhluymw- the very
nmbfldm‘flllpn‘lndmnflndh“‘smdfuz"
of fascism, “the dark night" when It was atill insecuce.

But It went on 1o develop & “closed economy” with
directed investment in public works projects. It proceeded 10
#1l the economic vacuum with surplus capital and super-
nationalism.

“Believe, fight, obey.” Siate-protected industries,
nnhlyhmfihuldlfimlldyumkr
mmmapfldmuflndmlu
for its new slaves. New educational facilities and new
“educators” (out of 1,250 university professors only twelve
refused to take the academics' oath of loyalty to the regime
In 1931) were also part of the reforms. Taken l together the
reforms turned out to be extreme reactlon. The government
‘of 1870 had scized the papsl states. The regime brought back
the old religion. In 1929, In spite of the unrewarding experi-
ences of World War 1, the regime was allowed 10 make war
mhmhwmwm"mmm~u
fasclsm—in power and secure.

Thpddmhmwmflomul'wukm
hmcwulfllllmknmwllndhmdd\dl.
And the weakness must be assigned to the vangusrd party,
lflllhnpuqh-‘l\l?ulpll‘ifmyfldhfinfllhm
properly with positive suppression oftheir class encies snd
thelr goons. Mussolini was sble to proclaim that fascism held
the only solution to the people’s problem—by default. Fas-
mmmmw&meW
ening and reforming of laissez-faire competitive capitalism,
was antisociaist from ts inception. It tiempted to conceal
flnmlhyd'd-umnlebyfiufi'm[lu"ulnn
solution to “nationsl problems,” by deifying the intoreats of
the “whole state”—which turned out to be the interests only
of the state's ruling classes.

‘Fascism s always a response 10 8 threat (o the establish-
ment. Any anth-stablishment actions taken by the strictly
w"lhlmoflhmh'lm'-mpwfiinfinply
altempts to centralize or upstage the capitalist industrisl
sector—elther 10 establish 1t, 13 in Spain, or modernize s

39
in those cases where marginal productive interests are ab- 3¢
sorbed or destroyed by the arrangement. It s significant to

ludn-nlmllmnflhhtu-mudhd-mfifl
the upward thruat of the lower clatses mare scutely, Thes
mmumwmuummmm
uling from the upward theust of the masses would affos
thelr status Sist. They are Joined by thetsector of the work.
Ing cluss which i backward enough o be afcted by

Mnmpudmbym,mm-flhm

Mlhemdlwmumy.mmwlhhh
h.mmvtm...u.mnmlnmumxm

The generals and colonels of the various Latin Ameri.
kan fascist regimes are attempting contra-positive moblliza-
tion and Functionlng as an Instrument to balance the intereats
of the traditionalist with the more modern sectors of the
!

" ‘neo-colonial nations. It is very misleading to regard themes 37
the “ruling clas™ of such nations, or 1o consider them as part
of a populistic movement. As in Rumania and Spain, atate
intervention simply serves the best interests of a diminishing
capitaliat rullng class by restructuring it and destroying the
people’s abor moveanent. Capitalist political regimes cannot
exist of their own. Without the support of government, capi-
talism simply could not prevail. Peron was a fascist. The
peace he worked out between labor and “owner” was subtle
and disgulsed but nonetheless fasciat in that it appeased and
diffesed the worker's resentment of the nonwarker and
effected a quite efficient counter-positive mobillzation. Peron
‘maintained an apparent popular appeal throughout his years
48 head of state because of the vanguard party's willingness
10 settle for reformism and tokens In a less than Junior part-
ner relationship with capital. His arrangement of the fascist
state was indeed singular. Like the US.A., the original struc-
ture of the society in which he had 10 work his scientific
manipulations had only one available sector large enough
and uprooted enough (without strong left direction) to carry
his movement—labor. Peron the fascist found bis strongest
support In labor. He was finally deposed when he lost the
favor of the economic ellte. At heart all fascist manipulators
are clitist and revere private ownership. They are backward
and reactlonary to the ultimate extreme of self-destruction.
Peron might have held on to his position had he chosen to
serve the aboring class honestly and make it a genuine power
base for the society—ane which truly embraced their inter-
ests—by natlonalizing the productive facilities and turning
them over to labor’s management. But fascists would rather
die or flee than support the total revolution. So they must be
slainl

‘The very firs step in establishing the “whole interest of
the state,” the combine, the corporate state, is to dismantle
the working-class movement and replace it cither with &
state-controlled organ or no organization at all. The corpo-
rate laws passed in Ttaly in 1934 served only to sanction the
complete destruction of the prolctarian movement. Al the
ing class had long since literally married Ino the regime. In
Htaly the fascist party cadre spread throughout the mation
organizing people le simless by the fllure of the positve
mobilization of the sociatist

surns for capital, decrease In real wages of labor). Later in
both lialy (1925-26) and Germany (1937-38) thi infiation.
2y budgeting showed damaging trends and set o a chain
Mllmhuu‘nyhum’lmmyldhln

foreign trade,

The firat currency crisia stimulated by Ttaly's inflation.
1Y bolicies (nitiated in 1925) resulted in the stabillzing of
the lira by decree in 1927. A controlled deflationary period
followed, effected through the banking systems which the
regime influcnced by decres or advice. Privat Inerests pro-
tected themselves from totally destructive competition by
“7 n'-‘\hmfllnmAfiflfllefimll)eplu:lumd 39
the International rise of fasclst states by default, refinements
lnhnhphum-:yw-lmlmdndlmlnnndmm
replacement of competition with cooperation among the pri-
vate interests became more standardized. The Germans real-
ized that inflationary currency control would have little real
effect on the expansion of heavy industry without also con-
trolling the capital market. Direction of investment was also
# key factor in the arrangement. Agsin, the regime func-
tioned as a centrallzing, miigating influcnce. Real wages
began 1o fall and industrial production rose. Considered
‘against the Gross National Product, investment rose 25 per-
cent by 1937 in Germany. The same 25 percent figure held
true for Japan in the middic and Iate thirtics. From 15 per-
cent of GNP at the lowest point of the Great Depression in
fasciat Ttaly, annual average Investment in industry rose to
19 or 20 percent in the years 1936—40. Because ltalian fas-
clsm was already established when the entire Western capital
market's banking system failed, there was a sizable amount
of quasi-government ownership. The “Industrial Recon-
struction Institute” established by the regime was quite sim-
ply & fAinanclal institution, & huge bank. It also indirectly
owned or influenced large sectors of the nation’s heavy in-
duatry—a further hint at an upward thrust of the middlc
classes to il In sections of the traditional ruling class de-
stroyed by the forces of the business cycle. In general, the
developments and experiments in controlled capitalism re-
sulted in a concentration of cconomic power n the large
manopolies. The crisia In German foreign exchange mur-
dered the small businessman. Small agricultural units tended
to disappear because of low wages, low consumption and
large increases in the arts of agricultural production. The
necessity for government Intervention increased as the inter-
ests of the private elites generated new tensions. The break-
down of the big industrial pattern Into sections, the regula-
tlon or elimination of real competition except, of course, for
fabor when it was short, and the control of labor organiza-
tions basically comprised the whole of the new fascist “cco-
Y nomic arrangement” which lempled to educe the vty
straa ofclasses and clas interess of the preexisting sate of
the economy tojus the two principal classes—the haves nd

The psycho-social dimensions of fusclsm become qulte
complex, but they can be simplified by thinking of them as
part of a collective bargalning process carried on between all
the clites of the perticular state with the regime acting as
arbitrator. The regime's interests are subject to those of the
ruling class. Labor is a partner In this arrangement. At the
head of any labor organization In the fasciststate, there s an
clite which is tied to the interests of the regime—and conse-
quently tied also to the economic status quo.

‘The trappings of this pscudo mass soclety are empty,
cheap, spectacular Icisure sports; parades where strangers
meet, shout each other down and often trample each other
{0 death on the way home; mass consumption of worthless
super-suds or aspirin; itualistic, ultra-nationalistic events on
days to glorify the idiots who died at war or other days to
deify those who sent them out to die. A mass society that s
actually a mass jungle.

Atita core, fascism is capitalistic and capitalism s inter-
national. Beneath its nationalist Idcological trappings, fas-
cism is always ultimately an international movement.

Many of the fascist regimes that failed or lacked thrust
—the Belgian Renists, the Dutch N.S.B. (National Socialist
Movemcat) Japan's arrangement, Rumania's Iron Guard—
were all esseatially too imitative and inflexible. Even the

“Two factors must be seriously considered when analyz-
ing Ilnl'mllrm:lflbfilhlflh Latin Amerika—Brazil
and Argentina. Their dependence on forclgn trade and their
neo-colonial status, which involves dependence on “foreign
investment.” When exparts full as they did during the
depression of the thirties, the valuc of the nationsl currency
1zl

m-hhnflll.udfifilvmlhllfinpfllmmlfiullyde- q)
erexie. The battle to balance payments begins, necessitating
massive govemmental intervention which leads inexorably
mwwmmmmmm
‘a confilct of Interest with the ruling class of the pareat nation.
Concern for balance of payments determines internal eco-
‘nomic motives. The deficit financng, the attempt to control
incomes (by controlling labor), price fxing, government
stockpiling of agricultural surpluses, positive direction of
Investment and the balancing of the interests of the dualistic
economy’s elites can all be pointed to a8 evidence of an
attempt to employ the centralist controls that characterize
the classic fascist arrangement.

“The first fascist regime of Brazil was headed by Vargss.
It lasted from 1930 to 1945 Coffes exports formed 70 percent
of the nation's GNP prior to Vargas' takeover and the
Depression. When international trade (cspecially in agricul-
tural goods) collapsed, Vargas was forced to attempt experi-
ments with the so-called closed economy. New internal
‘markets had 1o be created, investment and motives relocated,
industrialization attempted. But all of this planning, though
successful o an extent, was still basically imitative and did
not accurately reflect the reafities of the nation's inability to
accumulate capital.

It is extremely important not to confuse the three faces
of fascism when studying Latin Amerika. The second phase
fllmbflmlfllu)hlhmlywmnfihe
whole fascist episode. Regime after regime has failed to in-
crease Internal demand or unseat the traditionalist landed
elite in favor of the small industrial interests; this means a
permanent dependence on foreign trade and investment for
‘machine ools, for weapons o control the people’s move-
ments, and for raw materinls to feed their light industries and
flea markets. Consequently we see these areas as the most
glaring dichotomy of soclo-economic Injustice. [n the
shadow of their plush beach resorts which attract degener-
ates from all over the Western world, literally within rifle
shot, live the people who service these vacation-resort com-
plexes in disease-infested corrugated tin shantles on hillsides
constantly ravaged by mudslides. A strange combination of
the irst two phases of fascism, Without the massive military
id of the United States, Gestapo "death squads,” and the
Most intensive rightist terror, the guns of liberation would by
now have certalnly filed the strects and foreats with blood
10 the horse's brow. It s important never to lose sight of

the parent imperial nation, the US.A.
&mmwnfldwm.mhw.m
2t the same time continue to meet the war-swollen dearands
OF heavy industry. It inally fell of its own weight. The fascist
goonomic armangement failed under the pressure of war in
Germany, in Austria,in ltaly and Japan, s ater it filed the
st regimes in Bruzil and Argeatina. The principal filig

People’s labor movement and balancing it in favor o the few
special individual heavy industrial firms (Reichswerke-Her.

Yz

23

‘mann Goring-Krupp) and the vital interests of the increas- 93

ingly important chemical industry (1. G. Farben, ec.), fell to
the regime-sponsored Labor Front. Its first attempt (o ap-
.—-hhu_hmhmdmuyluwdwunl
‘conditions, meaningless slogans like “Strength through Joy”
which echoed the Anglo-Amerikan work cthic. Bven afler
the forcible suppression of the vanguard party by the Ges-
1apo in the frst years of the regime, the potential politicsl
power of labor (due to the workers' importance in the pro-
duction of heavy armaments) was such that really effective
measures for controlling it were not devised throughout the
tenure of the Third Reich. Wage increases couldn't be
avoided. Rigorous state controls replaced mild repression
and propaganda only after the Sudentenland affair of 1938
and the sccentuated armaments drive of 1939. Because
wages could not be successfully held down (the individual
firma were aRer profits, bear in mind; conscquently they
devised many Indirect incentives designed to attract a shrink-
ing Iabor market), measures were taken to limit the mave-
ment of Iaborers from place o place, and the other factors
of production were openly channeled into the armament
sectors by stringent government intervention, All idealistic,
ideological pretenses were dropped. Raclsm and the interesta
of the military-ndustrisl complex formed the economic and
peycho-social motives of the socicty and shook it spart.
The German economy was already In ruins by the time
the Reich expanded into Rusais. This expansion itself was 3
symptom of the economy's death-directed lack of discipline.
Its own internal contradictions and deceits destroyed it. An
industrial-military-based economy must expand 1o live, must
forcibly balance trade in its favor to survive. No amount of
logic or dissent can Influcnce the men who have vested inter-
eats In the life of such an arrangement! Only organized vio-
fence and armed struggle could have stopped them before
they lost their minds and destroyed so many lives. The coun-
ter-terrorism of the socialist parties’ vanguard and the proper
direction of the people’s consciousness could bave changed
the whole course of history over the last fiy years. Once
fascism moves into its third phese and contra-positive mobil-
T iuation (he psychio-social antithesis of lower-class mabiliza

tlon) insinuates iself technologically with weapons and
contral of the means of the people’s subsistence, limiing
their vision to thelr own personal short-term Interests with
Propaganda and empty promises, “ony he who docs ot fear
death of one thousand cuts” can then unseat the Fuchrer.

The United States was not existing In & vacuum when
fasciam first swept *he Western world on the beels of two
8reat depressions. My reading of history indicates that the
US. was in greater economic, sacial, and politica crisis after
the 1929 stock market crash than any other Western country
excepting possibly Germany. The same trends, the same ex-
periments, the same internal battles were fought by the same
forces for the direction of the nation's economy. The extreme
ecanomic crisis of the early thirties brought working-class
revolutionary consclousness 10 Its very peak. All serious
commentary on this period reflects a profound tack of conf-
dence in the workability of capitalism. This avalanche of
criticism came from sectors of the middle- and right-otiented
thinkers as well as the let—just s it did In Italy, Germany,
Rumania and the other fuscist storm centers. But of course
the middle and rightist intellectuals were thinking In terms
of & new direction for capitalist growth, not in its sboljsh-
ment—a “New Deal,” much like those of Nazi, Fasciat, and
Falangist Europe. No serious or honest student could miss
the likeness. F.D.R. was a fascist. His stated, docamented
congratulatory messages to Mussollnl were not simply diplo-
matic gestures. Joseph Kennedy's advice to England to sur-
render lo German expansion did not necessarily originate in
Kennedy's mind. He was offcial ambassador of the U.S. to
England.

There was psitive mobilization of workers and the
lower clas, and a highly developed class consciousness,
There was indeed a very deep economic crisia with attendant
strikes, unionizing, lockouts, break-ins, call-outs of the Na-
tional Guard. The lower class was thretening to unite under
the pressure of economic disintegration. Revolution was in
the sir. Socialist vanguard parties were leading It, Thers was
terrorism from the right from groups such as Guardians of

w
the Republic, the Black Legion, Peg-leg White-type storm ¢

Wflwmwhnwmmnhfimnp
of & contra-positive suppressive mobilization. Under the
threat of revolution, the ruling clase, true to Marxian theary,
became all the more co-optive and dangerous. F.D.R. was
born and bred in this ruling class of families. His role was to
form the first fascist regime, to merge the economic, political
and Inbor lites. Governing elites/corporative state/fascism
—hia role was to limit competition, replace it with the dream
of cooperation; (0 put laissez faire to rest, and initiate the
acceptance of government intervention into economic affairs.

‘A great many of the early trends of Amerikan history
prepared the way for the ultimate success of fascism in its
highest form. From the very beginning of Amerika's exist-
ence a1 an independent nation-state there were localized la-
bor organizations that attempted to further the interests of
thelr class by influencing the social, political and economic
life of the new nation. It wasn't until the second half of the
nineteenth century that labor took on national character
and began to make its presence felt in the economic life of
the nation. Even then, it was resisted by the violence of
‘employers and government working together. Marx's defini-
tion of history as a broken, twisted, sordid spectrum of class
struggles ia substantiated by Amerikan labor history. The
earfiest significant struggles between labor and capital began
in the 1790s on the East Coast in citles like New York,
Philadelphia and Baltimore where mutual-aid craft societics
attempted to gain higher wages and shorter working hours.
Resistance from employers and their backers in government
10 these mild organizational efforts forced the establishment
of the first trade unions, the Philadelphia Printers Union, the
New York Typographical Ualon of 1794, Journeymen Cabi-
net and Chalr Makers of 1796. The first wage strike was
mnnhwfimmmm
nmdhfldflpfiimklflfldwwmwfl:hlm
and was broken by right-wing terrorist sctivily.

The laying to rest of taissez faire, the shackling of Adam
Smith's “invisible hand,” really began during the Civil War
" “* in the U.S. The peit-bourgeais dream of countless contend-
ing private proprietorships somehow managing s melifluous
blending of private and state interests—when long:range
plans could still be made by wage workers to be proprictors
one day—became a nightmare with the advent of the mass
manufacturing process. At the opening of the Civil War, the
US. was ranked fourth among the world's Industrial states
behind the English empire, the German states and France.
By 1870 the USS. industrial manufacturing plant had dou-
bled the value ofits products. The mumber of factory workers
drawn out of other sectors of the economy caused the Indus-
trial work force to nearly double during this same period.
Improvements in the arts of agricultural production drew
some workers from the countryside and sent others west-
ward toward the closing frontler. The craftsman lost his
privileged economic position with the appearance of newly
invented mass production machinery. This new machinery
and the factory setup-in general made Individusl workers
‘more expendable and made it possible to reduce their share
of the profits. By the mid-1890s the U.S. was producing
‘one-third of the world's manufactured goods, and was on its
Way 1o becoming first among the world's industrial states.

‘The expansion of U.S. industry out of the demands of
the Civil War involved a complex concentration of several
violent and predictable capital mandates. The old traditionsl
sector of the landed aristocracy was broken; machine tools,
transport, and communications boomed (the basis of the
industrial state and, of course, an industrial elite, when raw
materials—coal, iron and other ores—are not lacking); the
price or value of labor shrank; and the “drive™ toward
‘monopoly accumulation was firmly established,

‘This period of capital accumulation, inveation of new
machinery, its use in expanding factory setups, the “closed

economy” created by Republican government legislation,
and the direction of certain amounts of capital through

government contract were in part the begianings of a new
chapter in the authoritarian process of Western history. In-
dustrial centralization, | mean the refined tactics of monopo-

i
2

1= ized capitalism, may have been developed right here in the

usa
Thisis the logical place to question some of the old lefl's
histosical assumptions about the last hundred years of life.
Anslysts of theald lef are completely confused by the differ-
ences between bourgeois demooracy and monopoly capital
and their manifeatations on the Amerikan scene. They seem
10 fee! that both can cocxist in the same society. Actually ane:
simply grows out of the other. Monopoly capital is the cen-
ml*jdflnluuwnflflhnhn.?finrhlhufil‘#n
and the emergence of the trends toward monopoly capital,

Ammmwmmfimm&m
‘and political rule. The cconomy was based upon the diverse

ownership of many thousands of factory uits and a palitical
ln—n’fllmlfifill‘lnm

However, with the emergence and expansion of
monopaly capital afer the cconomic lmpetus of the Civi
Wa, bourgeois demoeracy naturally began to fade. Hour-
phm,mwlllhln*oflhhnrpilh‘dmply
& anot exist aher the emergence f monopoly capial.
Monopoly capital has its own politcal expression. It devel-
ops as bourgeois democratic paliical rule dectines.

“The roots of corporativism-fascism were laid with the
expansion of monapoly capital nto the glant cariels, corpo-
“ations and inteslocking trusts. The owners of the largest
“haro of nation's GNP willslways control the political e
and government of the state. Monopoly capital ls corpors-
tivism (fasclsm).

| don't think anything that ever happened in ltaly.
Spain, Germany or any of the other capitalst statcs an
‘raich the centralizing process that the U.S. went through in
the tast hundred years. Even the so-called public utlities
(AT. & T., the Santa Fe, the Peansylvania RR, Western
Electric, Western Unlon) are owned by financial insttutions
Mmu‘ufilflflfl'myllmwmhmlmlldbyn
few familics who! are descendants of the industrial expansion-
ints of 1865-95.
123 Tne traditional Anglo-Saxon concept of law (founded
on the latent principle that the haves must always be pro-
tected from the have-nots), though it did not attack lsbor as
openly asin England, effectively prohibited the emergence of
any really strpng labor movement until the close of the nine-
tecnth century. It 6id not prevent the war-profiteering Rock-
efeller petroleum combination from forming. Tt didn't stop
Western Union from taking over the telegraph industry. It
didn't $t0p Samucl Stater and the “Boston Associates” from
tying up all the New England textile Interests. The transcon-
tincatal railroad hookup (May 19, 1969—Union Pacific and
Central Pacific) could have never been accomplished without
government and commercial cooperation. Corruption and
lawlessness were the basis of their commercial success, but
70 one was charged or punished by law. Any Individual, on
the other hand, who joined with someone else to effect an
increase in his wage was guilty of conspiacy. That same law
i atill used 10 protect the same interests today. Anglo-Saxon
law supported F.B. Gowen of the Philadciphia and Reading
Railroad and its coal subsidy in cutting wages and breaking
unions, just as it supported the KKK in reconstructing
Southeastern U.S., King of the Baltimore and Ohio, Tom
Scott of the Pennsylvania, William Vanderbilt of the New
York Ceatral. Every time I hear the word “law” I visualize
‘sangs of millitiamen or Pinkerions busting strikes, pigs wear-
ing sheets and caps that At over thelr polnted heads. I sec &
white oak and a barefooted black hanging, or snake eyes

pecping down the lenses of telescopic riffes, or conspiracy
trials.

Mankind is biologically sick.
2 Pdlunhlklmlln-lumo(lflalnll‘
3. Whatever takes place In socia Iife s actively or passively,

voluntarily or Involuntarlly, determined by the structure
of masses of people.

qe

127

4. This character structure is formed by socio-economic 4/ q

‘processes, and it anchors and perpetuates these processes.
Man's blopathic character structure ls, as It were, the
foullization of the authoritarian process of history. 1t is
the biophysical reproductlon of mass suppression.

5. The human structure is animated by the contradiction
‘etween an intense longing for and fear of freedom.

The fear of frecdom of masses of people is expressed in

the blophyalcal igidity of the organism and the Inflexibil-
ty of the character.

7. Every form of soclal leadership ls merely the social ex-
preasion of the one ar the other side of this structure of
masses of people . . -

—W. Relch, The Mass Psychology of Fasclsm

Revolutionary change aiways involves the complete sitera-
ton of the structure of propesty relations and the Institu-
tonal substructures that support them. It leads from
hicrarchy to mass soclety.

The ruling class In the U.S. is composed of one million
‘men and their familics—the Rockefellers, Vanderbilts, Mor-
gans, Mellons, Du Ponts, Hunta and Geltys, Fords and their
minions and dependents. They use the ivy League universi-
ties and elite law schools as private schools for their offspring
and as training grounds for their corporate hirclings. They
rule with iron precision through the military, the C.LA., the
F.B.L, private foundations and financial institutions. Their
control of all the media of education and communication
Mnnmmmdmmmm
At the time when this rullng class was forming a hundred
years ago, the International Working Men's Party supported
strikes that asked only for reformist messures, although it
was avare, even at that time, that reform was not the solu-
Mflhdflydmhdfludmmnmfifiof
production. The dichotomy between the longing for true

frecdom and the fear of s responsiblity was apparent even
\hen, Early radicals excused themselves by claiming that
1ov

they were “exploiting the inhrent contradictions of
monopoly capital.” They hoped that the masses would spon-
tancously awaken to the fact that capitalism had grown deca-
dent. But capitalism reformed itself, apologized to no one,
and went on to build a netwark of national and international
centralization that stands unrivaled by any hicrarchy past or
present.

Reformism is an old story In Amerika. There have been
depressions and socio-economic political crises throughout
the period that marked the formation of the present upper-
class ruling circle and their controlling efites. But the parties
of the et were 100 committed o reformism to exploit their
revolutionary potential.

“The latest round of capitalism reform, the latest redirec-
tion of its energy, was its highest and last form, The struggies
of the thirties, forties and fiftles completed the totalitariani-
zation of the country and perfected the system of total mass
social deception. I've had learmed men tell me that controlled
capitalism, monopoly capital, fascism, corporativism, or
whatever your vernacular, is & form of “welfre-state-lam.”
‘This s preciscly what we were intended 10 believe: that the
political takeover by manopoly capital was actually an ad-
vance in the welfare of the comman people. Even the old let
promotes the lic that valid concessions have been made by
the ruling class, a5 If deceptively better working conditions
and illusory wage increases were Marxism. A true Marxist
revolution abolishes the wage system. The truc welfare state
vmubelhsnmlmdumnudnddmdmut
where the world and the state are one, where the material
and paychological needs of the masses have been met and
political regimes have ceased 1o exist. The New Déal and the
resulting military industrial complex as welfare-state-lsin—
T awear Il strangle the next idiot who repeats that line.

All the ingredients for a fascist state were already pres-
ent; racism, the morbid traditional fear of blacks, Indians,
Mexicans; the desire to inflict pain on them whea they began
to compete in Industrial sectors. The resentment and the
seedbed of fear is patterned into every modem capitalst
saciety. It grows out of a sense of Inseourlty and Insignif-

so
137

cance that i Inculcated nto the workers by the conditions )
of life and work under capltalism. This sense of vulnerability
ll&hu:fln‘pwnlofrwhn.hlhu-nlbm.lhemllm
class actively promotes racism againat the blacks of the lower
clnsscs. This programmed racism has always served to dis-
tract the huge numbers of people who subsist st just a slightly
higher level than those in a more debased condition (in the
18708 the strikes frequently ended in anti-Chinese or anti-
black lynchings). It conforms to dual requirements of the
authoritarian personality (conformity accompanied by com-
pulsive sadism). Racism has served always in the US. 2s 2
pressure release for the paychopathic destructiveness evinced
by a people made fearful and insecure by a way of life they
never understood and resented from the day of their birth.

In the U.S., World War Tl was the principal cause of the
total breskdown of the working-class movement and its revo-
Iutionary consclousness, which had been built up by the
crisis years of the thirtics and all that went before them.
Lesser attempts at suppression had been made prior to the
war through the typical reformist policies of modern fascist
regimes. The economy had been closed, banks-regulated,
deficit spending had been practiced on projects like TVA and
CCC. The arms race that eventually culminated in the fascist
‘military-industrisl-complex-bascd economy broke the closed
‘economic ideal. Two conditions distinguished the successful
eatablishment of fascism in this country. The old vanguard
parties copped out and supported a nation-state ruling-class
‘war which wasted the blood and energy of their proletariats.
At the time, resistance (0 the war would have seemed like
simple common sense. If Stalin gave the order to support the
US. war effort, he was a fool. In any case, the old vanguards®
support should have been for the people’s struggle inside the
us.

With a liltle more patience and sacrifice, Stalin could
have eventually marched to the Athantic. With all of Europe
in ruins and the German economy already in its final stages
of disintegration with the U.S. presence in Europe, capilal-
ism could be dead today. Instead, U.S. imperalism rose to
behemoth proportions. After the war, international mackets

13 G penca in Earope, Afrca and Asia it the fle marketof -

radios, TVs and noveltes here at ts center. For the sake of
these trinkets and baubles, the labor lies diffuse the right-
wmdflnmdmcm&mwmfiw-n
result of their defection simply solidificd the totalitarian
regime with all the opinion-molding facilitles under the rul-
ing classe. Elections and political parties have no signif-
cance when all scrious contenders for publlc office are fascist
and the clectorate s thoroughly misled about the true nature
of the candidates. One cannot say all the peaple who vote are
unaware, just as one cannot say the twelve hundred profes-
sors who backed Mussolial were all frightened. Those who
are aware and still do nothing constructive are among the
most pathetic victims of the totalitarian process.

The necessary shock troops and tools for creating the
false contra-pasitive paycho-social basia of a fascist-ype
pseudo-society were in short supply in this country prior to
and during the process of the fascist takeover. There was
fittle of this consciousness among the middle classes, s the
frat terror came from the apecially formed and hired goons
of the Du Poats and Rockefellers, the Black Legion, the
Guardians of the Republic, the F.B.L. They destroyed the
already disintegrating vanguard, leaving the degenerate cle-
ments of the working class as the only avallablc mass. Class
relations were slowly altercd as a result of this action by the
WEMMWIMMWWMI-
trate scattered labor movements. The disguise was complete.
The satisfaction of Isbor's short-term economic interests was
made possible by the giant consumers® market and the mili-
tary complex. Ties were formed between rulers and lsbor
leaders. The elites of the proletarian movement were com-

Dfllhldwin-brfllflmfijfi—l—.hhluhnlmd
mmmllhhwmAMmmlymmh
an appeal 10 arme. The corporative state allows for no geau-
Incly frec political opposition. They only allow meaningless
Batherings where they can plant more spies than partci-
pants. They feel secure in their ability 10 mold the opinion
Iazhpufinhu-duflthlflm«,rduwln- 53
tlonary activity will draw panic-stricken gunfire. Or heart
attacks.

So what Is to be done after a revolution has failed? After
our enemies have created a conservative mass socicty based
on meaniagless electoral palltics, spectator sports, and & 3
percent annual rise in purchasing power strictly regulated to
negate liself with & corresponding rise in the coat of living.
‘Whatla to be done about an expertly, scleatifically calculated
contra-positive mobilizatlon of the entire socicty? What can
we do with a people who have gone through the suthoritar-
ian process and come out sick to the corclll

There will be a fight. The fAight will take place in the
central citles. 1t will be spearheaded by the blacks of the
fower class and their vanguard party, the Black Panther
Party. Real union sctivity will eliminate the corporative ties
between the regime-ruling class and labor. People at the top
will be removed and the guy with the programmed mind will
‘have 10 union boss to think for him. He will remain neutral
o join us in our fight to liberate him. We will work this
attack at the productive level indirectly by frst building our
central-city communes, which will revolutionize the all too
conservative black laborer. We will build these communes
against all resistance, the pamphlet in one hand, the gun in
the other. In blacks suthoritarian traits are mainly the effects
of tesrorism and a lack of intellectual atimulation. They have
been choosing the less dangerous and complicated mode of
existence, survival. Al classes, all people are subject to the
authoritarisn syndrome. It requires only the proper set of
ecosociological circumstantial pressures to turn blacks
around and reawaken their revolutionary consciousness.
We're hungry.

Our overall task is 10 separate the people from the hated
state. They must be made o realize that the interests of the
state and the ruling class are one and the same. They must
be aught to relize that the present political regime cxists
mbhhhm\hewm‘uh\zwfln\henduyln
favor of the ruling class. It i at the ruling class and the
Boverning clites, including those of labor, that we must aim
our bolts. The average workingman will simply withdraw or
watch with secret satifuction or actvely Join In when we

28ainat a system programmed against our old methods?
Revolution is againat the law. It will not be allowed, not in
lllflflcullhfln"lhlmkalhimmnhmum

order. We must push the setlcs off our land when they
“on't coaperate with the new communal lfe of our sysicm,
Wamhmwmm-mflqn—nmmm

sy
135

‘We must build a subsistence economy and a socio-political
infrastructure 30 that we can become an example for all
revolutionary people.

Fascism has established itself in a most disguised and
eficient manner in this country. It fecls 5o secure that the
leaders allow us the luxury of faint protest. Take protest 00
far, however, and they will show their other face. Doors will
be kicked down In the night and machine-gun fire and buck-
shot will become the medium of exchange.

1 am an extremist, 8 communist (not commaunistic, 8
communist), and 1 must be destroyed or I will join my com-
ades In the only communist party In this country, the Black
Panther Party. I will give them my all, every dirty fighting
trick in the annals of war. Nothing will defeat our revenge
and nothing will countervail our march to victory. We come
10 our canclusion: the only historical recourse that s left to
us. Freedom means warmth and protection against harsh
exposure o the elements. It means food, not garbage. It
means truth, harmony, and the social relations that spring
from these. It meana the beat medical attention whenever it's
nesded. Tt means employment that is reasonable, that coin-
cides with the individual necessities and feclings. We will
have this frecdom even at the cost of total war.

The
Oppressive
Contract

First women and children In a ditch in Victnam,
ultimately exccutions in the civic centers of every
Took-allke county in this country

Ery
Dear John Gerassi;
13¢

fres (the action on April 6). When I am denled or correcsed
—nlnyunlum-l—mmnuulhw!-dph
mum.umuwmnwm
tality must be taught by example to escape the myth, the
hoax that repression can work-against the collecive won.
sclousncss of the commune, and o prove that kleals cannot
be killed with violence. So—~'m duty bound to take the

2ad children in a ditch in Vietnam, ultimately executions in
the civic centers of every look-alike county in this counlry.

¢
‘

‘1

And that's the principal contradiction of monopoly 57
ufllll‘luppdiuulllfi.'fleqllmpmimnfllfl
1t alao breeds contempt for the oppressed. Acorual of con-
tempt inits fundemental survival technique. This leads to the
excesses and destroys any hope of peace eventually being
‘worked but between the two antagonistic classes, the haves
and the bavenots. Coeslstence la Impossible, contempt
brecds resistance, and resiatance breeds brutality, the whole
growing in spirals that must cither end in the uncconomic
destruction of the eppressed or the termination of oppres-
sion.

History ls clearly a loog cantinuum of synthesizing cle-
ments. The imbalances of the oppressive contract, ideals so
fundamentally contradiciory, and forces so mutually exclu-
sive can only result in the dissolution of the agents of thal
contradiction.

“The corollary of the contract ls quite simply malig-
nancy. It strikes irst of all In the region of the brain. A search
for a nondiseased mind throws one hard against one of the
greatest historical/blological calamities imaginable. Excuses
can be made for some workers—blind defense for the system
that ls victimizing them, brainwashed by the National Ad-
vertising Council's portrait of the sileat majority s well-off
in comparison to the barbarian world. Thelr mindless behav-
for can also be explained by their ignorance of labor history.
But even the nationalistic conditioning recelved in massive
doses from birth cannot completely explain why man would
turn against himself. Even the workers' short-term economic
sdvantage s only a partial explanation. We must look for the
root causes in the psycho-social effect of competitiveness and
racism, The huge moss of blue-collar workers scem to be
working totally against themselves In their support of a sys-
tem owned and controlled by a tiny minority. Actually, their
contradictory behavior Is explained by feclings of loyalty to
llc.'i]lhdlh-{ll_hn-hlllnfilbhl-lnfi,ldb’
their economic advantage over the oppressed races. They
may be oppressed themsclves, but In return they are allowed
1o oppress millions of others.
13 “The cconomic nature of racism is not simply an aside. Ky
Built-in physical features exclude blacks from participation,

It i the sense of the Anality of their exclusion from salid
social-cconomio participation that forces aur youth away

“The discascd mind ... s slowly spreading throughout
the oppressed organiam. Even the "magnificent savage,” the
mindicss overman is dying from the almost total anemia,
Where is the Black Man? I see hir inseparable from the
Black Female but where s he now? How he has survived a1
allis almost beyond any rational explanation.

Early I understood the altematives of the black situa.
tion: assimilation,

39
! ‘My mind haa vacillated between the bistarical references: <

African feadalism and African communalism—I know that
we Africans were the irst communists (J. Edgar Hoover calls
h“prhhlvemwmlm"hmnfllulluldudhil
antl-people books). Dr. Du Bols dealt with it In The Philadel-
phia Negro I think (I can't quite remember now) in a positive.
manner, 5o | never had any of the really serious hang-ups in
‘accepting revolution. But—T think for a while I sincerely felt
that Europeans were not capable of communistic unitarian
ehavior. 1 fet this, however, only briefly, since unitarian,
progresaive conduct scems o be a problem for alf of us after
‘hundreds of years of steadily centralizing capitallsm and, in
some areas, after thousands of years of hierarchy. I've always
understood that the new cultural-nationalist attempts to re-
turn o the pre-slavery past of Aflrican feudalism can only
feave the average black man more uncertain and insecure
then ever. It is difficult to understand why such negative,
academic and obscure exoticlam cxista when there are def-
nlteexamples of historical contributions which could be used
10 analyze and give meaning to our present and our future.

“The commitment to total revolution must lnvolve s
‘analysls of both the economic motives and the psycho-social
‘motives which perpetuate the oppressive contract. For the
hummmnmnmm
ent. A people without a collective consclousness that tran-
scends mational boundaries—freaks, Afro-Amerikkkans,
Negroes, even Amerikkkans, without the sensc of larger
community than thelr own group—oan have no cffect on
history. Ultimately they will simply be eliminated from the
mwuhnlhuihflnmdmnully.wuhulm
‘movement (Bobby Hutlon, the shoot-out on Central, August
7%) and institutions (our survival projectst that will now
grow into infrastructure), we simply never will be an effective
force.

‘During the nationalist period of the collective oppressed
mentality promoted by the establishment, the movement is
frozen, static. This s the level of development favored by the
appressor, the astless empty ideals of the pscudo-nation, love
and respect for a flag, a natlonalistic song o beat, the fervent
/9o nmin.w-umm.mfimnm"humnn“
warted loaging for real commurity. The exublishment

a1y ctivity or calcification. Conservaive soclety, biack o
white, is decadent society; due 1o the absence of creativity
-mmmm.mmuundnymwmwm.

Yu-rleuundwnmuhnnflhmhd*h-
Whole idea of cultural natlonalism has bezn al but smoth.

black female must be, as 1 have mentally ordered things,
completly joincd together in the act of lberationt | acoept

7 oy lack mama with st hee fearsfor my life that border an ¢

‘hysterla at times. But I also realize that I Is the “role of the
living.” of all the innocent, to discover unltary practice and
‘conduct and move against the lnstitations that close on the
oppressed.

Those who have more regard for their own cgos or
selfinterest then they have for bulding a united progressive
e, and those who sbendon community ltogether in favor
of petty Interests, are in direct opposition 10 our real inter-

Huey Newton's concept of the revolutlonary solldarity of all the op-
presved peoples of the warld —B4.

ests. They are attempting another form of escapiam. They're
fleing the objective conditions of thelr real life and will
eventually reach the ultimate contradiction of facing their
father or brother, or old clammate, comrade, or wife, over
the barrel ofa gun. Or they will ind themselves in no man's
fand, cast out by the people, suspeoted by their crime part-
ners.% But, regarding the crisia Qust past) In the party.t as
Fluey Newton reminds us, there is always a positive side to
each negative. The confused resentment and reverse racism
of the black partisan will eventually lead 0 & new, more
‘productive and creative contribution. Already we realize that
there was no split in the party, only a defection. The party
has come out of it stronger, We can now bring our strategy
‘and tactics into a realistie conformity with our total objective
situation, Recall we discussed Jonathan and guerrilla
strategy In the urban situation at length over that piece of
paper with clrcles and lines, arrows and question marks.
I guess now that he is dead, and the guilty are safe from
the muscle of his mind and acm, it is safe to reveal some of
his thoughta and functions within the matrix of the party and
movement. He felt as 1 did that the military and political
branches, though married In purpose and direction, in these

Sl prison argol, & man's moal (rusied companion.—Ed.
{The departure from the Black Paaiber Party of Eldridge Cleaver
and some of bi followers in Algeris and New York —Bd.
/Y2 openiag stages should function separately from ¢ach other
for very obvious reasans. In undeveloped countries the ca.
abiishment's miltary-atike forees ave not more than tirty

miles down a dirt. road in the provincil capital. They're
-hu-wllhln-lewnunau.ornflh’l‘hwhnwfilh

LS

and invulnerable. In our present situation there i no contra-
diction between the military thinkirig and sction and the
pdmnydpilfluhei(n-fim-‘lmhndlflhkyu

Judiciary that Friday was at ance an expression of his own
mv_lv-wmdm-_mdlhldllflfl\pllh‘ylfl
infes all of thia in retrospect that Jonathan was head of 3
clandeatine army which saw the Black Panther Party as lts
political leader. Operating on his own, he was sble 1o st east
attempt. to support some of the minimum demands of the
Mpkwflhmvhdnlflnyflwhnndmfi!mmmlh
}eflplrdyofhunfmfl'murduh, Le., persecution in
courts,
Thulhhi-ouranlymmdlhpluulwdd
drvdwmlhhnmb-bn-wn.ll'fllmh
possible, Mflq.lllhen(vnudll_d’nfliflon.m
193 1, . through bis unreasoned atack on the magaificent 63
Angela Davis. Reszntly he has even attacked the dedicated,
overwacked and brilliant Charles Garry. It secms to be &
pattern with the man. You recall the attack he launched
against Fidel and Cuba, and those accounts that scomed
disparaging of his hosts which have reached the pig press
here from time 1o time.

My personal message to him was mild, considering that
he was in fact leaving his old comrades open 10 attack again.
Tsenta leter reminding him that his behavior while In prison
‘was far from exemplary and had that section of it signed by
Ulyases McDaniel and Clifford Jefferson, two of the oldest
(time in) and most respected black partisans in the California
concentration camp system. | then listed some of bis behav-
foral patterns since his release—a more complete list than the
one just given—that did not indicats that he had changed
‘much, 1 fnally ssked him simply to show proof now that he
‘was not a compulsive disrupter or agent provocateur. A very
mild request, T fock. He returned with a very scurrilous and
profane set of invectives—in short, & pieca of vendetta. Tell
him that seven thousand miles, the walls of prison, steel and
barbed wire do not make him safe from my special brand of
discipline, tell him that the dragon is coming . . -

The substructured prison movements aregaining
momentum. My trial is sct for early August, 1971, therell
be hearings I between of course. If they are st al like the
Tast,® you'll get to see my special bastardized style of martial
arts. T'm working hard 10 stay in form. | wasa't at my best
st the last showing. I'll clean them all next time they attack.
Attend—let me see your style.

Your comrade in arms—"“He who does not fear the
death of 1,000 cuts will dare unseat the emperor.”

George Jackson

“The bearing of Aprl 6, 1971
1" Afterword

Statement by Huey P. Newton, Servant of
the People, Black Panther Party at the
Revolutionary Memorial Service for
George Jackson
muuuuum»ummmmofi.
J-ekm.mn-ulhlumuh-hny.mh-_-nq
‘people are wondering. I would like to explaln the conncction be.
tween hmflm-lm—um&&hu\am.
mlwumulmlmhmm;.
bulhn.hhhu—.nhumn-mm-nu-u
thallhlhnl-l&lfiml.?—l&hty.flu--—
-mmlmummw‘-mvhuh—t
most of . life. | mot George though s spiric. Shortly after
learning ..uut him 1 got word through the prison grapevine that
he wanted 10 join the Black Panther Party. At his request he was
made & member of the People’s Revolutionary Army with the rank
Of general and fcld marshal. He was put in chargo of the prison
recrulting, and was asked t0 £0 on with his life as 8 revolutionary

L say that the legendary figure ks slso a hero. George Jackson
-m;‘znm-.mhrmmm

‘e revalution from ono generation to the next. This was
lvnr.-ndhnll-w.h.-m;;-h-hn-mlhy.i—!c
o belleve that the people will win, we know the people will win.
43 they advance, generation wpon generation.

What kind of standand did George Jackson set? Fiat, he wes
4 strong man, without feas, determined, fll of kove, strength, and
dm-uthmmum.mm-umm

Nnnmumhuw-nmmwyhm

12}
s

done, he sl kept the love for the people. And this is why he felt
50 pain In giving up his life for the people’s cause.

“The state ltslf set the atag for the kind of contradiction or
‘violenca that occurs in our world, particularly in the prisons. The
rullng circlo of the United States has terrortzed the world. The state
has the audaclty to say they have the right to kill. They say they
have a death penalty and I legal. But say by the laws of aature
that 50 death penalty can be legal—it's only cold-blooded murder.
It spursaflsorts of violence, because every man has 8 contract with
imeelf, o keep himaelfalve at il cost. Legally the state can only
‘confine someone, subject to correction at a later date. Even if the
state does wrong 1 could give laci the semblance of legality by
leaving open the possibility of rectiication. But of course with the
death penalty, with the kind of violencs that we scs In our commu-
nity where the pollce are also the executioners, we don't have this
chence of negotiation. They have the audaclty 10 say that pesple
should deliver a lifo to them without & siruggle. None of us can
sccept that. George Jackson had every right to do cverything
‘possible o preserve his ffe and the fife of bis comrades, the lfe of
the People.

‘Even afler hia death, George Jackson is u legendary figure sod
2 hero. Even the oppressor realizes this. To cover thelr murder they
say that Georgs Jackson killed five people, five oppressors, and
‘wounded thres a the spece of thirty seconds. You know, some-
times 1 ke o averlock the fact that this would be physically
Impossible. But after all Giearge Jackson s my hero. And | would
ke 10 think that 1t was posaibl; 1 would be very happy thinking.
that George Jackson had the sirength because that would have
made kim superman. (Of course, my hero would have to be &
‘superman.) And we will rase our children to be like George Jack-
300, to live like George Jackson and to fight for freedom es George
Jackson fought for freedom.

George's tast statement, the cxample of his conduct at S
Quentin on that terrible day, leht standard for political prisoners
ind for the prisoner soclety of rach, resctionary America. He feft
# standard for the beration armies of the world. He showed us
how to act. He demoastrated how the unjust would be criticized
by the weapon. And this wil certainly be true, because the peaple
wil taks cars of that. Goorge aleo sald anc that the oppressor i
very siroag aad he might beat him down, he might beat us down
10 our very knees, he might crush us 1o the ground, but it will be
‘physically Imposaibl for the oppressor to g0 an. At same poiat his
lega will gt tired, and when his logs get tired, then George Jackson
and the people wil tear hia kneecaps off.

the name of peace, I this is what we aro forced 1o do; because ag
2000 88 s over, then we can have the kind of worid whers violencs
will 7 longer exiat,

fell that day in San Quentia will be ighter than
2 feather. Even those who support them now willnot support them

I the future, because we're determined to change thelr minds.
We'll change their minds or cisc In the people’s name we'll have

o wipe them out thoroughly, wholly, sbsolstely and completely.
ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE.

BLOOD IN MY EVE

‘Coytoh ) 1872 by Sronghokd Gonsokated Procustans, .

'L0Cura o Mumba:
180M:0-83121-23.
47 47

IN MEMORY OF

COMRADE GEORGE

by SEKOU KAMBUI
2 BLODD IN

Blaod L NIy Lye capuvits the spisic of
George Jackson's legendary
resistance 1o unbridled oppression
and racism. His unique and incisteety
critical pecspective becomes the
unifying thccad that tics togedver this
collection of letters and <seays in
which he presents his. ansly
armed struggle, class war, fa

other tapics.

B s Aly Live was camplesed
unly days before its authorwas killed,
Genrge Jackson dicd on August 31,
1971 3 the hands of Sen Quentin,
Prison guatde durng an alieged
cxcape atempt. At age

Geore Jackson was comvieicd
and was sentenced (o one

ook, Saieded Draiber: The Prisen Writingsof George Jecksen,
Pt in 1910, catocd him die respect and sdmication of prcgie
B fyd the world. But cven before thatbook, Jackson wes s lependny
fipare inside fornla prison sysiem, “known to all
Ancompromising individual. A fellow pisoner described M o o
beautiful cxample of what a Diack man should be

very
1 2 seter to Angela Davis, Jackson wrote, I my enermics, your
vqores: Prove sronger [than us,) at Jeast T want them 1o koo ey they
o Glucous Aliican men <xtremely angey.” On snaths seer o]

Sfiote, “Uhey'llnever count me among the bioken men.” Ao Iout 1o Ay Liye
alfiems, George Jackson remained unbroken.

South (hicago
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